During a campaign meeting for the 1969 Stormont election, a Nationalist Party candidate was praising himself and his party, when a member of the audience asked him about his party’s policies. He replied, somewhat indignantly, that his party had just as many policies as any other party. That was all he had to offer.
It would be comforting to suggest that we have come a long way since then. However, for almost 13 of this election’s 14 campaigning weeks (since the executive collapsed) the five major parties canvassed without a manifesto. (Northern Ireland: where policies never get in the way of politics.)
Of course, being without manifestos was no great loss. The two main parties’ promises in 2017, for example, bore no relation to subsequent reality. SF promised an additional £1 billion for health (presumably the same £1 billion they promise today) and to build "the Momentum Towards Irish Unity” (which SF now says no one thinks about when they wake up).
This year’s manifesto is just a skimpy attempt to avoid saying (or costing) much.
The DUP had a five point plan then. Today they have exactly the same five point plan. (Although they may now have a sixth point: not entering the assembly.)
So to understand what the parties are offering this time around, we have had to rely on what they tell us about their candidates. (The following are their descriptions, not this column’s.)
For example, the TUV believes it is important to disclose that 13 of its 19 candidates are members of loyal orders. Five served in the British armed services, two are in marching bands and three are “passionate” about their British identity and cultural heritage. (If that does not encourage you to vote for them, nothing will.)
About a third of Alliance candidates do not have a profile (a hierarchy of candidates?) Those who do, include Patricia O’Lynn. Her proudest achievements include giving a presentation to the Queen on the future of democracy (abolishing the monarchy would be a start) “and rescuing an abandoned kitten”. If she is not elected, North Antrim’s voters will be historically shamed as rejectionists of kitten lovers. (Yes, folks, that’s what passes for politics here.)
In the SDLP, Karen McKevitt has “continually raised local issues” in Stormont (surely that’s what MLAs are meant to do?) Paul Doherty’s role in creating and running Foodstock, a west Belfast food bank, should have been highlighted more and Conor Houston “is involved in conversations about constitutional change” (which may take a while).
The DUP does not offer candidates’ profiles. (No manifesto and no profiles. Just shut up and vote.) The UUP have a similar approach. It is difficult to understand why it does not have a profile of Robin Swann, beginning, “This is the person who saved us from the worst ravages of Covid.”
Sinn Féin’s Sinéad Ennis “has repeatedly raised the need to protect and enhance services at Daisy Hill” (even though her party supports the Bengoa Report, which aims to remove specialist services from hospitals like Daisy Hill). We can only assume she raised the issue with the government. (That’s the government of which her party has been a member for 24 years.)
That same party says that Liz Kimmins is “passionate about her Newry roots” and Gerry Kelly is “passionate about improved infrastructure”.
If politicians do not take this election seriously, why should we? Even if they had timely manifestos, their claimed aspirations can easily be subsequently abandoned, since there is no opposition to hold them to account. (That’s if there is an assembly, which there probably won’t be.)
In any case, those you elect can be replaced without an election. Of the 90 outgoing MLAs, 23 were unelected. In Foyle, for example, Sinn Féin replaced both its MLAs twice over. (I wonder was the Queen told that this is the future of democracy?)
So go out and vote and may your candidate win. Just don’t expect it to make any difference to your life.
