Sinn Féin has ordered the SDLP to stand down, although sadly not to dump arms, in North Belfast and Fermanagh and South Tyrone. Let nobody call this a nationalist pact, as that would involve reciprocation and Sinn Féin has not offered to stand down anywhere. Sinn Féin’s stance is doubly impressive when it risks handing an SDLP seat to the DUP by running in South Belfast and keeping a DUP seat from Alliance in east Belfast. So let nobody speak of a progressive or anti-Brexit pact either. Meanwhile, the DUP and UUP are standing aside for each other “unilaterally” in two constituencies, which means they do not need to call it a pact. It is a non-pact pact.
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With Alliance now narrowly favoured to win in east Belfast, some interesting arithmetic arises. Instead of a majority of seats, unionism could win only a plurality - nine versus nationalism’s eight, with Alliance in the middle. Furthermore, because North Down unionist Lady Sylvia Hermon is a committed Remainer, this would mean a minority of pro-Brexit MPs from Northern Ireland. The latter outcome would be particularly devastating for unionism, as the union may depend on some idea of a ‘mandate for Brexit’. Of course, this makes it all the more striking that Sinn Féin will not sacrifice its 2.1 per cent vote share in east Belfast to the cause. That could be enough to swing the result.
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Debate over saving Stormont is boiling down to the language used to describe an Irish language act. From an initial DUP position of ‘there will never be act’, versus a Sinn Féin position of ‘there must be an act (but don’t ask us if that’s a red line’), the DUP has moved to ‘a cultural act’ (covering Irish and Ulster-Scots) while Sinn Féin insists on a ‘standalone act’ (Irish only need apply). On Monday, Arlene Foster moved again, saying the DUP will not block an act if there is “respect” for “the Ulster-Scots, the Orange and the British culture and identity”. Other DUP representatives then added there still will not be an Irish language act, if only because that is not what it will be called. In other words, it is all a matter of pride.
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The blasphemy complaint in the Republic against actor Stephen Fry was reported around the world as a case of Catholic, conservative Ireland, which could not have been more wrong. The blasphemy law in question was devised with reference to the 2005 Danish cartoons controversy, making it a case of modern, multicultural Ireland. It was then tacked onto a generous libel reform bill, which although not legally unprecedented had the fortunate effect of keeping the Dublin media happy. What might Stormont get away with if it tacked something onto libel reform up here?
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Warm weather has brought the usual spate of wildfires, with over 500 last week, almost all of them started deliberately. Prosecutions for such offences are rare but perhaps this year marks a change. In March the Northern Ireland Environment Agency hosted a two-day international seminar on criminal investigation of wildfires - the first ever such event on the island of Ireland. The PSNI was among those attending.
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Sinn Féin has accused the DUP of receiving “dark money” to campaign in the EU referendum. This is milder than the word ‘corruption’ it threw around during the RHI scandal (remember that?) but it remains an audacious accusation. The DUP attracted secret contributions under Northern Ireland’s unique exemption to declaring party donors, maintained at the insistence of all our political parties except Alliance, the Greens and People Before Profit. Can we assume Sinn Féin has now joined them?
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It is quite striking how the main political parties have fallen into line in the face of lobbying from the taxi industry. Belfast City Council has voted almost unanimously to permit taxis to use all bus lanes for six months, extending a surprise trial announced earlier this year. The council has no role in this decision but is writing to the Stormont civil servants who have been left holding the reins. Something about this feels like more than a stakeholder’s opinion. Sinn Féin proposed the motion, the DUP seconded it and Arlene Foster and Michelle O’Neill have sent letters to Stormont as well. It is as if both parties have come together to direct their former executive officials via the council - and as they may return to Stormont, what official would refuse them?
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Obviously, I have no business mocking other people’s names but I must note a tendency for nominative determinism at the top of the Northern Ireland Civil Service. Stormont’s budget is currently in the hands of David Sterling, permanent secretary at the department of finance. Schools have just been warned to balance their budgets by Gary Fair, finance director at the department of education. The head of the department of infrastructure is Peter May, which is now also the answer to every question on whether roads will be built.
newton@irishnews.com
