The decision by an exasperated Martin McGuinness to resign as Deputy First Minister (DFM) was not only the correct decision it was the only decision open to him under the circumstances.
If Martin’s decision reflected the widespread anger across northern society at the arrogant handling by the DUP of the heating scandal, the actual tipping point came on foot of the DUP’s pettiness and contempt for the Irish language and culture – Paul Givan’s decision to remove the £50,000 Líofa grant.
Most reasonable people, nationalist and unionist, republican and loyalist, understand that.
And most reasonable people also understand and support the pragmatic leadership displayed by Martin McGuinness in his role as DFM and the numerous gestures he made towards unionist sensibilities on royalty and commemorations, a generosity of spirit (which the veteran journalist Eamonn Mallie referred to as ‘grace’) which was rarely reciprocated.
Martin McGuinness’s leadership in this regard and his dedication to reconciliation with unionist society was exceptional and in keeping with the leadership he has displayed for decades. He is truly a leader among leaders.
Martin’s exceptional qualities are symbolised in the interview he gave announcing his decision to resign. He left a sick bed to speak to the media and to the people of Ireland aware that his message would send shockwaves across the country.
His appearance was equally shocking for everyone, even those aware that he was ill. But he knew a moment of high significance had arrived and that he and he alone, no matter his personal circumstances, needed to handle it.
And despite his frailty of voice and demeanour his message was firm, fair and clear: characteristics which have been a feature of his term as DFM.
To the people of Ireland nationalist and unionist he reaffirmed Sinn Féin’s immediate objective: equality for all in the north which republicans believe is a gateway to a peaceful independent and new Ireland.
To the DUP he called time on its arrogance, bigotry and perceived corruption.
Under Martin’s leadership much progress has been made. In the midst of this crisis there is no talk about a threat to the peace process. The focus is on the collapse of the political process.
That welcome shift has a lot to do with the changes that have taken place in the peace and political processes.
It is important in the midst of these difficulties that we remember the progress that has been made; aware that to avoid the total collapse of the political process then more progress is urgently needed.
It is quite clear from the impasse that Arlene Foster’s DUP has yet to realise it is in a power-sharing administration and at the helm of an institution which governs a society coming out of conflict.
This is obvious in its blind support for the British government’s opposition to resolving the issues around the conflict’s legacy in terms of relatives seeking the truth about the death of their loved one.
It is obvious in its support for the British government’s austerity programme and its Brexit policy which will cost the people of the north billions of pounds in coming years and will have as yet unforeseen economic consequences for the rest of this island.
There is clearly a lack of respect by the DUP for nationalists and for their cultural identity and aspirations.
There is also no commitment to equality or to a vision of a society based on human rights where everyone is treated equally. Hence its opposition to a Bill of Rights and marriage equality for the LGBT community.
It is also obvious in its opposition to former political prisoners being accepted as full and equal members of society and its opposition to opening the Maze-Long Kesh prison to the public.
But it is not just unionist discrimination which needs to end. The Irish government’s failure to extend presidential voting rights to the people of the north also needs to end forthwith.
The forthcoming election is about unionists and nationalists respecting each other’s traditions and aspirations. It is about parity of esteem.
Whatever the outcome of the election one thing is crystal clear: a new agreement with an implementation plan is a must.
If the DUP are not up to the task, then the Irish and British governments should administer the north and introduce the required changes.
