The government’s recent Legacy Bill understandably caused anger, because it made it clear that justice would be difficult to deliver for many victims of the Troubles. I believe we should all make an effort to engage with the proposals though. They merely reflect aspects of the ‘peace process’ that were never formally acknowledged, but we already knew existed.
In fact, in the majority of cases, the proposals offer honesty about what is achievable, as well as attempting to restore some balance to the way we deal with legacy.
For example, there are not a relatively small number of inquests outstanding as is sometimes asserted, but more than 1,400. These cases, including those involving the deaths of more than 700 members of the security forces, all deserve the scrutiny currently being afforded to too few deaths.
The current structure simply could not cope with this workload, and therefore it cannot provide a process that is even remotely fair. The same is true for investigations by the Police Ombudsman’s office.
The most controversial of the government’s proposals relates to immunity from prosecution. Perhaps these measures would be more morally and legally acceptable if, as well as the current stipulations, to qualify when a crime had been committed, an unconditional apology was required acknowledging that the action was wrong and unjustified.
In addition, the significant number of civil actions aimed at the state have effectively become a state-funded Troubles compensation fund, but available only to those injured by the security forces. This is grossly unfair, given that 90 per cent of deaths and injuries were caused by paramilitaries and none of these were justified or understandable.
Perhaps the money that this costs could be invested in a more equitable scheme of compensation or in promoting reconciliation rather than deepening divisions. The Republic of Ireland could contribute to this fund too, given that it has drawn a line under legacy issues since 1998, including some very questionable aspects of the role it played in our conflict, and yet is so quick to condemn the actions of others. Across this island we need to challenge our hatreds better and those who continue to promote them.
I frequently quote the poet Michael Longley and his poem about our past, Ceasefire. He captured powerfully the morally troubling compromises of our peace process with the lines: “I get down on my knees and do what must be done. And kiss Achilles’ hand, the killer of my son.”
The protagonist, King Priam, symbolises victims, but you could also cast him as the whole of northern Irish society, having to accept that the people who destroyed our peace could cast themselves as peacemakers. We might have expected more humility and grace from the perpetrators of violence and those who inspired it, in return for those messy and horrible compromises. That hasn’t come to pass and while our society is in a much better place than in 1998 it is incumbent on all of us to try to make more progress in the next 25 years, including stopping an unbalanced legacy process from being used to refight and distort the battles of the past and as a consequence attempt to chain our future to it.
TREVOR RINGLAND
Belfast BT1
Hope of closure for families has plummeted
The families of those innocent victims who lost their lives during the Troubles are facing further hurt and humiliation that their killers will never face prosecution. In a very public display of atrocious aggrandisement, members in the British parliament voted to restore measures rejected by their peers in the House of Lords.
It is important to note the genesis of this opprobrious bill was a contrivance advocated in 2012 by DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson who called for a ‘military covenant’ to be imposed upon the north.
Mr Donaldson stood in the British parliament and implored the then PM for support for this egregious legislation, who in turn happily presented this fait accompli to the people in the north.
However, this proposed act was put on ice as the Brexit debacle occurred, including the unambiguous support of Brexit by the DUP.
As everything turned pear-shaped over the backstop and protocol, this support was allegedly postponed and the British moved the goalposts, explaining in a manner unforeseen by the DUP that legislation must apply to all.
The proffer for a ‘military covenant’ morphed into the shameful legacy bill which along with proposing to save killers of innocent men, women and children from ‘vexatious prosecutions’, shields the British government from any accountability, effectively concealing monstrous crimes and misdeeds – giving them carte blanche to hide the truth.
Mr Donaldson offers his own little tit-bit of wisdom, advising that “we do need change and a system that delivers but that it is up to the victims to have choice – a choice of justice or information”. He also ascertains “enacting this bill denies families this choice and diminishes the objective of this bill which is to promote reconciliation”.
The introduction of this ignominious amnesty bill has effectively compounded the loss and sorrow of all those families whose hopes for a sense of closure in the future have plummeted – their sorrow destined to continue in perpetuity.
KEVIN McCANN
Belfast BT1
A good thing that PSNI won’t be in uniform at Pride parade
As a gay citizen, I have always been opposed to police marching in the Belfast Pride parade.
They never publicly apologised to the LGBTQ community in the north of Ireland for their harassment towards the LGBTQ community.
Their refusal to take part in this year’s Belfast parade in uniform comes as no big deal to many of us LGBTQ citizens.
Other Prides across the US have refused over the last few years to let police march due to their harassment of Black Lives Matter activists and the homophobia/transphobia people faced.
I think it’s a good thing the PSNI won’t be in Belfast Pride in uniform.
I also believe Pride has more in common with Black Lives Matter than they do with the police.
SEÁN ÓG GARLAND
Belfast BT10
