I took part in the 1960s northern civil rights movement because I saw it as bringing about what is now termed “equality of treatment and parity of esteem” between northern nationalists and unionists. I saw this as removing any rational basis for unionism as an ideology that justified domination over nationalists and as bringing about political conditions that
would encourage unionists to rediscover in time the political implications of the common Irishness they share with their nationalist fellow countrymen.
Then came the republican split of 1970, the quarter-century-long campaign by the IRA to unite Ireland by force, followed by the 2016 Brexit referendum, in which most unionists voted to leave, while nationalists voted to remain citizens of an EU that has the constitution of a federal state and in which Brussels makes most of the laws. The result is that the two northern communities seem to be politically further apart today than they were in the days of civil rights.
These days the republicans, who are largely responsible for this state of affairs, comfort themselves with fantasy talk of a border poll delivering a united Ireland soon inside a federal EU. But the British government has the initiative in calling any such poll. It should be obvious that it can never be in Britain’s security interest to have a united Ireland inside a Franco-German-dominated continental federation. British policymakers cannot admit this fact publicly, as their official position is that the constitutional future of the north depends on the wishes of a majority there. But it is a fact of life nonetheless, now that a real Brexit has happened which will not be undone.
It follows logically therefore that those who wish to see the partition of Ireland ended, on however long a likely timescale, must seek to disengage Ireland from the EU, restore the Irish pound as an independent currency and with it control of either our interest rate or exchange rate, and take back control of Ireland’s laws, government policies and fishing waters, which have been largely surrendered to the EU.
This is surely a necessary future condition also for accommodating the ‘Britishness’ of Northern Ireland unionists in any eventual Irish reunification and winning significant sections of that community, over however long a time period, to support an Ireland united in independence.
The realists in Irish nationalism and republicanism today need to base their policy on these facts.
ANTHONY COUGHLAN
Drumcondra, Dublin 9
Not quite Armageddon
Alex Kane’s dystopian column – ‘The optimism of 1998 has gone and we are close to the edge’ (July 14) – for no apparent reason listed the post-agreement carnage, before finding a little solace in the brotherly love shown by the ‘Chuckle Brothers’ in 2007. Concerning the middle ground, both the SDLP and the UUP have failed to navigate the new political landscape and in addition, have failed to broaden their electoral appeal and develop a political narrative that is future-facing. The Alliance party have benefited from this political failure with a political ideology that is like trying to nail jelly to a wall. I also found some of the celebrations and commentary around the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Belfast Agreement bizarre. In fact, what we were celebrating was 25 years of inertia. We have peace, yippee. If peace is the only measure of success 25 years after the agreement, today this looks like a mighty low bar. The oxymoronic political structure known as ‘mandatory coalition’ has resulted in suspensions which account for 35 per cent of the assembly’s existence. The anachronism known as the Petition of Concern has been tabled 160 times, which highlights the absurd tribalism built into the system. We are lumbered with a dysfunctional political system administered by a bunch ‘not on the Hill’ who at best can be described as ‘mediocrity’. I understand Alex’s frustration, some of which I share. The fact that this province is clearly a geographical and political orphan surely must be obvious to both unionists and republicans. What needs to be understood is whether you are unionist or nationalist you need to make this place both politically stable and economically viable, in all our interests. He suggests that there is an absence of optimism. I disagree. It is worse, we have an electorate that is both disengaged and despondent. However, the idea that we, as a society, are on the precipice of returning to some sort of Balkan civil war is exaggerated. He talks about politicians of goodwill. Who are these people? What is clear about the current political standoff is that the DUP have done further harm to their cherished union than the Provos could have ever dreamed of.
Alex either got out of the wrong side of the bed or woke from a very, very bad dream.
SUNEIL SHARMA
Belfast BT8
Marketing myopia
I was struck by the short-sightedness of the recommendations made in a report commissioned in 2021 by the then SDLP infrastructure minister, Nichola Mallon, and the Republic’s Minister for the Environment, Eamon Ryan. It proposed a major change away from road travel to rail for passengers and freight. Minister Ryan suggested that old railway lines between Omagh to the north be ‘revitalised’. This reminded me of an article published in the Harvard Business Review by Theodore Levitt called Marketing Myopia (1960). In it he suggested that the reason the railroads collapsed in America was because the railroads defined their business incorrectly, “they assumed themselves to be in the railroad business rather than in the transportation business” – they were railroad-oriented instead of transportation-orientated.
Minister Ryan and the current SDLP leader, Mr Eastwood, should take note. The transport links in the north are already in place (the A5 in particular), they just need some serious investment to bring them to an acceptable standard.
The government in the Republic should step up to the plate and get it started rather than fantasising over extremely expensive, non-existent railways.
GAVIN WINTERS
Dromore, Co Tyrone
Help ban lethal animal tests
Last year more than 2.6 million animals were used in cruel and outdated animal experiments in the UK. The ways in which animals were harmed in laboratories include being poisoned, burned, mutilated and being given cancer.
An especially barbaric experiment is the lethal dose 50 per cent (LD50) test, which involves groups of animals being given increasing doses of a substance until half of them are dead. Last year, 12,651 experiments of this type were conducted, an increase of 7.6 per cent on the year before. There is no need for these experiments as there is now a humane, completely human-relevant alternative to the LD50, called AcutoX, which does not involve the use of any animals at all. Because of this, Animal Aid is calling for a total ban on LD50 tests. To find out more visit EndAnimalTests.org.
JESSAMY KOROTOGA
Animal Aid, Kent
