Fascinating to read Deaglán de Bréadún’s analysis – ‘ ‘Rethinking the ‘claim to north’’ (June 14).
Affording credit to a ‘wordsmith’ (Daltún Ó Ceallaigh) for spotting that a wordsmith had finessed the Republic’s claim to Northern Ireland (NI) from ‘each jurisdiction’ instead to ‘both jurisdictions’. And arguing that a united Ireland could be a federation instead of a unitary state, eh? Interesting to observe that when the Irish Free State and NI were originally established there was to be a Council of Ireland comprised of government ministers from both jurisdictions. And, throughout the Troubles negotiations between unionists and nationalists often broke down because the latter insisted the council be established.
To circumvent this obstacle, during the 1998 Good Friday or Belfast Agreement (GFBA) negotiations another wordsmith instead introduced the North-South Ministerial Council (NSMC) which is also comprised of government ministers from both jurisdictions.
Some might observe that the presence of the NSMC in effect means there already is a de facto ‘federated’ Ireland. Others might spot that the GFBA is an Acts of Union by another name wherein Strand Three describes the constitutional relationship between jurisdictions on these islands, and, as both Ireland and Great Britain were member states of the European Union (EU) at that time, this international treaty was absorbed into the 2009 Lisbon Treaty, which established the EU with a legal identity of its own.
Having made these observations there are a number of questions that arise. Given that they argued so vehemently for the creation of the Council of Ireland/NSMC, can you list 10 important – and fully costed – policies that the SDLP has introduced through the NSMC over the last 25 years? And, once you’ve done that could you do the same for Sinn Féin?
One suspects the editor will not be inundated with contributions
from readers.
One final observation: for a united Ireland, the GFBA requires a referendum be held in both jurisdictions simultaneously.
But, there is no compunction upon any taoiseach to do so.
Had the NI electorate been voting in Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael MLAs to Stormont, then maybe they would, but why would they call a referendum that could see an additional 30-odd Sinn Féin TDs join their colleagues in the south to dominate the Dáil?
Would Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael turkeys (TDs) really vote in favour of a Sinn Féin Christmas?
DR BERNARD MULHOLLAND
Belfast BT9
No-one has any respect for unionism any more
Ulster says no to everything. There will always be an excuse. Every leader of unionism both now and in the past suffered from a fate worse than disease or death and that is they are entwined and behoving to the Orange Order and secret societies from which there appears to be no escape. These people have nothing to offer anybody, least of all their own youth – no hope, no anything. What an awful indictment on any people.
Nobody has any respect for unionism any more, especially mother parliament at Westminster who fostered sectarian nonsense for so long.
It may be the failed entity of Stormont is designed to decay and rot since it should never have been there in the beginning.
The southern establishment needs to realise there is approximately one million Catholic, nationalist, republican people quarantined in the illegal British colony against our wishes and deprived of our nationhood since the foundation of the state – we can’t and won’t take it any more.
All the years and decades of downtrodden misery, poverty, imprisonment and torture – that not a single unionist or anyone else has ever apologised for – is now over.
We are becoming an increasingly independent people, largely through our own efforts, and it is our intentions to claim what is rightfully ours in a 32-county Ireland.
LAURENCE O’NEILL
Martinstown, Co Antrim
We all must acknowledge shortcomings
I’m writing to express my disappointment with Brian Feeney’s column – ‘Legalising lawlessness’ (June 14) – which included many misrepresentations in relation to the UK Government’s Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill.
Far from concealing information regarding the Troubles, the bill will mean that more families will receive a measure of accountability and acknowledgement through the provision of information than is currently the case.
The Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR) will have all the necessary powers to conduct criminal investigations, will be supported by a legislative requirement of full disclosure by state bodies, and will have the power to make findings via a public report.
The UK government has a strong track-record of acknowledging when the state has fallen short of the standards expected – including in Northern Ireland. We recognise that information will be released into the public domain that may be uncomfortable.
The record shows that the UK government is prepared to acknowledge its shortcomings, but if we are to move forward together as a society, others must be prepared to do the same.
STEVE BAKER MP
Northern Ireland Office
BBC ignores obvious news point
RTÉ TV news (June 15) reported on wild fires in the north, featuring Irish Air Corps helicopters collecting and dropping water in places firefighters could not reach. Archie McKay, a group commander of the NI firefighters, paid tribute to the Irish Air Corps contribution.
BBC NI News at 6.30 led on the fires and did not mention the Irish Air Corps contribution, though the helicopters were shown dropping water. Archie McKay was interviewed and was not asked about the Irish Air Corps contribution. A shot showed the backs of various agency personnel, one of whom had Irish Air Corps stamped on the back of his yellow vest, the same guy RTÉ interviewed.
Why did BBC NI ignore this obvious news point?
NIALL MEEHAN
Dublin
