Any discussion involving an objective assessment of our historical past is rendered difficult for a number of different reasons which are linked to each other. Partition and neutrality are intrinsically linked. The partition of Ireland in 1921 has exercised to this day a profound, complex and largely misunderstood effect on the course of Irish nationalism. The partition of Ireland came after a series of seismic events – World War One, the Easter Rising, the War of Independence among them. Partition was another planned deceit by the English Tories and one of many in Irish history, even to this day. Technically you could believe the annexation was in 1801, with the Act of Union. It was pushed through to pre-empt Catholic democracy from developing and damaging Britain’s selfish strategic and economic interests. It was a solution that give very little satisfaction and created perpetual tension. Ireland’s partition issue at times helped to sustain neutrality and vice versa. It was a principal factor in influencing the decision of Britain not to lean on the north of Ireland to unite with the then Irish Free State. De Valera, who had become the personification of Irish freedom and independence, had by the end of the 1940s emphatically rejected force as a means to end partition and seemed to acknowledge that the problem was one between the north and south of Ireland and not Britain. Yet today It has created a serious problem for Brexit and with changing demographics has brought the issue of partition closer to centre stage.
The Irish predisposition towards non-involvement in international relations has earlier origins, in 1790 at a time when the British Empire was planning to go to war with Spain and later in the early 20th century. The fight for Irish independence, democracy and neutrality became totally intertwined. The first Irish neutrality association was formed in Glasgow in 1914. It was probably a revival of an earlier Irish neutrality association which was formed during the Boer War in a campaign to prevent Irish men from enlisting in the British army. The leaders of the 1916 Rising had all been supporters of the Irish Neutrality League and opposed participation in the 1914-18 war. In negotiations with the British government, the republican delegation led by Collins and Griffith sought to ensure neutrality would be perpetual. During the Cold War, Ireland maintained its policy of neutrality. It did not align itself officially with Nato – or the Warsaw Pact either. It refused to join Nato due to its sovereignty claims over the north of Ireland, which was administered by the United Kingdom, a Nato member. For the first time in decades, Ireland is gripped by a debate over the country’s long-held – and much-cherished – military neutrality, as its government struggles to tread a line between helping Ukraine and preserving its neutral status. They may have to navigate new geopolitical realities under that umbrella. There are those strongly opposed to our neutrality policy and in effect urging the pursuit of a policy which is unconstitutional. In fact, it seems to be a habit of Fine Gael ministers in particular to use intemperate and strong language towards those who are upholding the national ideals and the constitution.
JAMES BARRY
Dublin 6
Central story of Easter remains the same
James Hardy – ‘The Real Easter Question’ (April 17) – reacts to my letter concerning Maundy Thursday falling on a Tuesday by recommending to watch a Christian video on the tenets of the Easter message. I had in no way taken away from the actual message which anyone can read in the Bible, even without watching a video.
I could also recommend videos, but prefer to reply by letter as it is a letters page after all, and not a social media site, at least not yet. The message that he aims to promote I do not disagree with. I was merely pointing out the early practice of the Celtic Church in Ireland who remembered these events on the actual dates of Passover as they found them in the Bible.
This was before the practice of the later Easter had reached Ireland’s shores, and was upheld by such men of faith as St Patrick, St Columcille, St Gall, St Columbanus, St Colman, St Comgall and St Fursey, all members of the Irish Celtic Church. It took a synod in England in 664, whose object was to try to undermine the Irish clergy’s practice as being primitive. This swayed King Oswy of Northumbia to accept the new Easter over the previous Irish observances, which is why the days no longer match the actual Biblical dates that the events happened on.
Instead they became tied to days of the week, rather than to the actual date of Passover, ie Nisan 14th. The belief in the Gospel never changed, only the dates.
The Irish saints refused the edicts passed at the Council of Nicea in 325 for some 300 years that ratified and cemented the celebrations of these events to days of the week. Now Easter is the done thing, except for the odd Celtic-minded rebel here and there. But the central story remains the same.
COLIN NEVIN
Bangor, Co Down
Give all people a say on future
The free state powerful jumping on the band wagon of Irish unity is far too late as they left the nationalist people of the north behind and undefended but undefeated from 1922. As many thousands celebrated the Easter Rising, it must never be forgotten that it was many Gaels from across the north that fought in the rising, followed by the War of Independence and even the Civil War. In the eyes of the free state they are the forgotten patriots. If the free state was interested and serious about the north then how come their political parties never organised in the north on an all-Ireland basis? Children in education in the free state learned of Ireland’s proud history yet in northern schools Irish history plays no part and Irish language is less encouraged. Young nationalists of my generation feel our identity didn’t exist and more so when the Good Friday Agreement removed articles 2 & 3 that gave many hope of a belonging.
If the free state is serious about the unity of Ireland that is long overdue then there should and must be an Ireland poll on unity. Give all the people of Ireland a democratic say on the future of our nation. It’s time to stop dithering on this and act up and get it done.
SEÁN ÓG GARLAND
Beál Feírsté BT10
