Opinion

What has Sinn Féin got to offer if given their heart’s desire?

Four of the saddest words are ‘I told you so’, and in truth most people in that position rarely want to, much less do, say them. The first few weeks of Brexit do not suggest those of us appalled at the prospect were wrong. As per usual the huffing, puffing and bluffing by the DUP continues to fill newspapers and airwaves. One supposes that Sinn Féin, like some  commentators, are enjoying this spectacle except, unfortunately, we are all the losers with nothing to crow about. Things have changed utterly, once again, and one can detect a rustle of activity in the political undergrowth.

Since 2016 there has been a non-stop echo from SF demanding a unity referendum. One wonders what they are doing about it practically because a few “what ifs” do come to mind. One perspective suggests an Irish unity referendum is unlikely before a second one in Scotland. But what if Bojo pulled a flanker to head off an SNP electoral success later this year, saying you had one in 2014, we need to look at Ireland first? Such a stroke would have much appeal, firstly, as noted recently by George Osborne, by easing the Paddies closer to the exit and secondly in blocking the Scots.

The question is what has SF got to offer, if given their heart’s desire – a referendum? Clearly their recent Unity prospectus was for show and at 25 pages hardly compares to the SNP’s 670 page effort in 2014.


Behind the scenes unionist thinkers, and they have plenty – they just don’t stand for election – are clearly preparing. Consider two examples: the question and approach. We know from Brexit the question wording is important. Should it be phrased negatively, as in leave the UK or positively as in unite Ireland? Secondly, would a twin referenda approach be better? Pre-2016 both Johnson and Rees Mogg suggested this approach for Brexit – vote first in principle and again, once the details are negotiated, vote to confirm.


It is not hard to guess the unionist preference with both of these issues. As to SF thinking, if it exists, what are their plans? What if they mess this up and cannot even carry West Belfast? How far back would a mishandled vote put unification?

Finally, lip service aside, one wonders how many Sinn Féin TDs are more interested in ministerial seats than success in such a referendum?

FRANK HENNESSEY


Belfast BT9

It is very easy as a society to condemn the sins of the past

We have as a society rightly been condemned in recent days for the treatment of the poor and innocent in the so-called care homes. Note that only the poor would have been admitted. Clearly the conditions were anything but Christian but it takes a brave person to speak out against societal norms and it is very easy to condemn the sins of the past. What of our own sins? In the first year of abortion, 6,666 unborn children were terminated in the womb, the population of Buncrana. These children had as much right to a good life as the innocent children condemned to the homes.


As Micheál Martin said about the ‘Homes’ it was no foreign Empire which condemned our poor to them, it was us as a society. Today we have gone from bad to worse… children not wanted are now being terminated. What sort of societal progress is this?

An interesting insight into the treatment of the poor and children can be seen in ‘Boy’ George O’Dowd’s Who do you think you are? when his grandmother was taken from outside her home in central Dublin to be given to the nuns by, of all organisations, the NSPCC, as the progressive untruth of the time was that the poor were not fit to rear their own children.

SEAN O DOIBHILIN


Leitir Ceanain, Tir Chonaill

Border poll – who can vote and when?

The Good Friday Agreement states that constitutional change can only happen when the majority of the people of Northern Ireland vote for it. What about the ‘people’ of Northern Ireland who are under 18. Should 16 and 17 year olds not have a say? What about those who have settled here from other EU countries, are they not part of the people of Northern Ireland either?


The census of Northern Ireland occurs on the 21st of March this year. If this census showed that the nationalist community was in the majority, would that not be a trigger for a referendum?


The latest election results show that there is no unionist or nationalist majority. The balance is currently held by those who vote Alliance. Without proper polling from recognised accredited agencies, there would be no other way to determine what way that Alliance vote breaks down.

The last border poll in Northern Ireland was in 1973. By Boris Johnson’s own time lines of 40 years, a border poll in Northern Ireland is well overdue.


A good date for the border poll would be  2023 – 50 years since last border poll and 25 years since the Good Friday Agreement. The UK government by signing up to the Good Friday Agreement, agreed that intervals between unity referendums would be seven years. By the same precedent Scotland should not be refused another referendum next year either.

JOHN McSORLEY


Belfast BT5

Money has always been privatised

Peter McGahon writes ‘Bitcoin is trying to show that money can be successfully privatised’ (January 18).

Many would argue that money has always been privatised.

Banks, for example, are simply a lot of rich people pooling their money and lending it out. They are privately owned institutions, not publicly owned.

There are still many family owned banks around the world. England’s oldest bank, Hoare & Co, is owned by the same family today. Austria’s oldest bank (based in Salzburg) has always been controlled by the same two dynasties and was an early backer of the ubiquitous Red Bull brand. Berenburg Gossler (1590) is the oldest bank dynasty still controlled by descendants of its founders. Everyone has heard of the Rothschilds, who by their own admission have a presence on every continent in the world.                  But ultimately it can be argued even run-of-the-mill high street banks are owned by wealthy individual shareholders and bondholders.

Bill Gates was revealed as a bondholder in Bank of Ireland and AIB when the crash arrived in 2008.

Roman Abramovich was another Irish bank bondholder at the time.

MICHAEL O'FLYNN


Cork City