Opinion

Brian Feeney: The Good Friday Agreement is in bad shape on its 21st birthday

Brian Feeney

Brian Feeney

Historian and political commentator Brian Feeney has been a columnist with The Irish News for three decades. He is a former SDLP councillor in Belfast and co-author of the award-winning book Lost Lives

British Prime Minister Tony Blair, pictured right, with US Senator George Mitchell, pictured centre, and Taoiseach Bertie Ahern smiling after they signed the historic agreement for peace in Northern Ireland on April 10 - Good Friday - in 1998. Pool photo by Dan Chung
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, pictured right, with US Senator George Mitchell, pictured centre, and Taoiseach Bertie Ahern smiling after they signed the historic agreement for peace in Northern Ireland on April 10 - Good Friday - in 1998. Pool photo British Prime Minister Tony Blair, pictured right, with US Senator George Mitchell, pictured centre, and Taoiseach Bertie Ahern smiling after they signed the historic agreement for peace in Northern Ireland on April 10 - Good Friday - in 1998. Pool photo by Dan Chung

TODAY is exactly 21 years since the Good Friday Agreement was signed. Well, it wasn't actually signed; it was agreed.

However, the simultaneous new British-Irish Agreement superseding the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed by the two governments.

In its first paragraph the two governments welcome their "strong commitment" to the Good Friday Agreement, which they officially refer to as "the Multi-Party Agreement".

Call it the Good Friday Agreement or the Multi-Party Agreement, whichever you like, how does it stand on its 21st birthday?

Sadly it's in a bad way.

First, the British government no longer has a strong commitment to it.

To some extent that's because the Irish government from 2010, after the Hillsborough deal on devolving policing and justice, allowed matters to drift, fell asleep at the wheel, just as the most right-wing British government this century took over.

Now, nine years later, the Good Friday Agreement is on life support.

The tripartite institutions have all collapsed; executive, assembly, north-south ministerial council.

The British have been resisting using the British-Irish Inter-Governmental Conference (BIIGC) as it was intended to operate when devolution fails.

The British back the unionist objection to invoking the BIIGC, that in the absence of devolution it can't operate, and when there is devolution the Conference can only discuss bilateral relations.

As the Republic's High Court judge Mr Justice Richard Humphreys said, this is "particularly inaccurate" because the BIIGC, being a Strand Three, East/West body, is independent of whether devolution is working or not.

Humphreys describes Arlene Foster's claim that the BIIGC can't make proposals about devolution or review political agreement as "clearly incorrect".

Besides, the British-Irish Agreement carries forward the provisions of the Anglo-Irish Agreement that Dublin can put forward "views and proposals" on anything.

Nevertheless, this biased British government accepts the wildly erroneous unionist view and stymies any movement.

That's the big picture. Now some other elements that have suffered from British bias and prejudice against equality of status and parity of esteem.

The 50-50 recruitment to the PSNI was abolished within a year of the Conservatives taking office and sending over a series of lousy proconsuls, some of whom we now know dislike or oppose the Good Friday Agreement, and one at least who's too stupid to even know what it's for.

True, 50-50 recruitment wasn't part of the Agreement, but reform of policing was, and the outcome, the PSNI, is now 19 years old.

Yet, at most, only 30 per cent of police, and only a tiny cohort above inspector are Catholic.

However there's a substantial Catholic majority, over 60 per cent, in the population at the normal recruitment age, in places west of the Bann over 70 per cent.

We now hear 'Downing Street sources' confirm legislation is drafted for a 10-year statute of limitations on offences committed by British soldiers, but the plans are held up because Brexit is paralysing everything.

The plans are unlawful of course and will ultimately be defeated, though that will take years fighting them through the courts, but they are proposed in defiance of the all-party Fresh Start agreement on the past.

They make devolution impossible. Obviously no-one in London cares that it is another nail in the Good Friday Agreement's coffin.

Finally, the current controversy is about identity and nationality, something at the very heart of the Agreement.

Caroline Nokes, an immigration minister - and one of the dumbest ministers you'll have the misfortune to suffer from in the dumbest government in living memory - has announced the Home Office is trying to solve the problem of people here legally being British or Irish or both, the Irish being EU citizens too.

Nokes infamously has never read the Good Friday Agreement.

She has now admitted that the British have ratted on Theresa May's promise in Belfast in February to review that problem.

Nokes and Sajid 'Look how tough I am on immigrants like my parents' Javid are trying to cook up something compatible with Britain's new immigration rules dated March 7.

At present they mean Irish citizens here can't be EU citizens.

All of which shows how parlous the Good Friday Agreement is.

It shows how serious things are when even the Irish Times, a paper not usually sympathetic to northern nationalists, insists the silent Irish government must "press the case strongly" against Britain. Hah.