LISTENING to various commentators and politicos recently and in particular those from a unionist perspective, I hadn’t realised how secure they believe our institutions to be.
It’s really quite remarkable when one thinks that many of them did whatever they could to thwart their proper functioning in the first place.
That said, the past eighteen years have hardly been glorious moments of confidence building.
The truth is that whilst politicans of all hues are committed to keeping the show on the road, it’s a very politically insecure structure.
So why the entire faux unionist outrages at this being pointed out by two former prime ministers who both (whatever their other failings) have an intimate insider view of Northern Ireland and our fragile structures?
Perhaps because truth really does hurt when it comes close to home.
Since 1998 and those marathon talks that led to the Good Friday Agreement, we have had a shadow assembly, a suspended assembly and a transitional assembly.
Of course we have had a sitting assembly too which has managed to have one of the most lamentable records in legislative history when it comes to passing home grown legislation.
It’s a wonder that so many seem perturbed about EU legislation when you have a devolved administration so set against using the powers it has within its own control.
But back to our process, since 1998 we have had the temporary resignation of a first minister - David Trimble - and the tactical resignation of a deputy first minister - Seamus Mallon.
We have had a first minister - Peter Robinson - remove himself whilst under investigation, the resignation of the entire ministerial team of the UUP, we have had a minister act up as first minister twice - Arlene Foster - and revolving DUP ministers holding multiple posts while doing nothing as well as voluntary resignations from the executive by the Ulster Unionists.
And the whole thing has only been operational for fifteen years.
The Good Friday or Belfast Agreement was followed by the George Mitchell review, then Leeds Castle, parts one and two, the St Andrew’s Agreement, the Hillsborough Agreement, the Haass talks and the Stormont talks and that’s without mentioning the work of poor old Archbishop Eames and Denis Bradley.
Even as recently as last November the then first minister was calling on the secretary of state to suspend the assembly over welfare reforms and the failure to agree a budget.
You couldn’t run a business or a school like this but somehow the politicos managed to get the sticking plaster out and muddle on.
The recent past in Northern Ireland has a horrible way of catching up with the present and it is difficult to gauge which way its curve balls go, or more precisely where these historical grenades land.
Only last week the relatives of victims have been reeling from revelations from the horrific murders from both Kingmill and Loughinisland.
The issue of collusion is not new or indeed surprising but it casts a long shadow over some of the players still active in politics, policing, and paramilitary and securocrat circles.
The victims and their relatives have shown remarkable dignity and resolve but their right to the truth should go wherever there is responsibility - immaterial of the political consequences or fallout.
This will not help the fragility of the process or Stormont but it is more proof if such proof is needed that Northern Ireland’s political structures may have widespread public support but the different prisms through which each political party in or out of the executive see things will bring its own unique stresses and strains not found in other devolved regions.
The issue of paramilitarism has not gone away either.
They may not have huge public support but then terrorist organisations don’t need the oxygen of a mandate.
Many loyalist communities remain under the cosh of paramilitaries.
Sinn Féin, despite its best efforts and electoral gains, have failed to stymie the flow of some young marginalised nationalist youths from getting into the same senseless cycle of violence through involvement with militant continuity groups.
Only a month ago London was warned about the very real threat by dissident republican terrorists to bomb the city.
As we know from history, constitutional issues relating to Northern Ireland are never truly settled matters but the Good Friday Agreement and its commitment to the principle of consent was as good as it got.
The last thing Northern Ireland, the Republic or Britain needs now is an incendiary bomb of constitutional uncertainty thrown onto our existing bonfire of calamities.
:: Tom Kelly is chairman of the NI Stronger in Europe campaign.
