Republicans who rejected the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) and maintained the philosophy that Britain could never be trusted have surely been vindicated by the antics of Britain over the joint protocol.
I would say with some relish that it has not only soured relationships between Dublin and London but with Britain’s relationship with the rest of the EU. When you consider that unionism is now in a minority here, Britain’s current behaviour in supporting that minority is a salutary reminder of the lie that all those famous republican authors swallowed so many years ago when Peter Brooke declared that Britain had no selfish, strategic or economic interest in the six counties.
It’s as hollow as the promise in the GFA that states that if a secretary of state feels that a majority would support Irish unity that he would call a referendum to establish that. That agreement gives any secretary of state absolute discretion as to when to call a referendum, if ever. The agreement also sets out that before Irish unity could take place that it has to be established in ‘both jurisdictions’ by referenda concurrently.
The meaning of that is that any referendum in the south is useless, has no meaning, unless there is one held concurrently in the north.
This in effect gives a six-county secretary of state power over the wishes of the electorate over the whole island. And just to make Irish unity even more difficult, there are those in the free state establishment who followed Seamus Mallon’s notion and suggest that they are not interested in Irish unity if a simple majority in the six counties voted for it – even though that is what the free state agreed to in that agreement. Instead they are trying to move the goalposts by declaring that it should be a substantial majority.
Maybe those views will change now as Britain has stabbed Dublin in the back and the free state may now consider that its future economic well being would best be secured in uniting the country and severing as much as possible any economic and political ties to Britain.
SEAN O’FIACH
Belfast BT11
Churches and centenaries
The partition of Ireland was done on a religious head count. In effect, two theocratic states were formed, but the Churches remained as all-Ireland institutions.
Were the Churches party to this religious apartheid between and within the two states? Did they oppose it? Did they turn a blind eye? What is their view retrospectively? Was last Thursday’s joint ‘Service of Reflection and Hope’ a mea culpa for a maxima culpa?
One state is no longer theocratic. The other state is divided politically, one side remaining religio-political.
Such services should have been held frequently during the past century. Holding a one-off service in the centenary year ‘marking’ the partition of Ireland and the formation of Northern Ireland is like waving a red rag at a wounded bull while giving comfort to wounded matadors.
Northern unionists may celebrate or commemorate the formation of NI and the preservation of the union with GB, while ignoring their abandonment of their unionist kin in the southern counties.
Southern nationalists may celebrate or commemorate their escape from British domination while mourning the loss of six counties and their nationalist kin trapped in the northern counties.
Northern nationalists have nothing to celebrate other than the perceived good fortune of their southern kin. Commemoration of partition would be, for them, a mournful experience.
How could the Churches have hoped to reconcile those conflicting points of view? Their ‘Irish Churches Peace Project’ a few years ago fizzled out like a dud squib.
Would it not have been better to have designated the service as celebrating the 23rd anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (GFA), democratically agreed by referendum in the north, in the south, and in the all-Ireland context?
Will there be events and Church services in 2023 to mark, commemorate or celebrate the 25th anniversary of the GFA?
How will the centenary of Brexit (the partition of Europe) be marked in 2120?
DENNIS GOLDEN
Strabane, Co Tyrone
Personal freedom
SEEING Ourselves as Others See Us is a new 28-page pamphlet about contemporary mission by Rev Stephen Hance (National Lead for Evangelism and Witness with the Church of England). Rev Hance felt his London church was almost invisible, with telephone inquiries about baptisms or weddings typically ending: “And where exactly is the church?” Only 1.8 per cent of the English population regularly attend Anglican worship and Rev Hance divides the English population into five broad groups: ‘Regular church attenders’ in any denomination (11 per cent); ‘Cultural fringe’ who are connected but not committed (18 per cent); ‘Indifferent’ (20 per cent): ‘Dismissive’ (42 per cent): ‘Other faiths’ (9 per cent). The drift from faith and reduced Church membership, as noted by Rev Hance, will increasingly challenge mainstream Irish Churches. Lay members will need to become more ready to discuss the strongest and most concise evidences for our faith (‘The Suffering Servant’ passage of Isaiah 53, ‘One Solitary Life’, John’s Gospel).
The hectic modern world wrongly claims absolute freedom is all that counts, with no absolute ‘truth’ existing and obedience restricting personal freedom. An invitation, recorded by the Apostle John, takes a very different angle on obedience-truth-freedom: “You are truly my disciples if you remain faithful to my teachings. And you will know the truth, and the truth will set you free.”
JT HARDY
Belfast BT5
Universal credit cuts
A £20 a week boost to universal credit which was introduced by the British government in response to the first lockdown has come to an end. Universal credit was introduced to replace six payments and merge them into one. In May 134,070 households in the north were claiming universal credit. Almost one in three are single parent families. The removal of this additional £20 is going to have a catastrophic effect on low-income families who are already struggling to get by. The fact is these families are struggling to put food on the table and heat their homes. This is an intolerable situation and families are faced with the very real question should they ‘heat or eat’. The amount of people claiming universal credit since the first lockdown has doubled. Economists estimate that £5 billion will be removed from the economy for low-income families to sustain themselves and through no fault of their own.
The Northern Ireland Executive must show courage and leadership by reversing this cruel decision to cut universal credit.
KIERAN McCAUSLAND
Aontú, Upper Bann
