Opinion

Does politically united ‘kingdom’ still exist other than in name?

By a recent Northern Ireland (NI) High Court ruling, subsequent legislative acts supersede previous acts relating to the same subject.

Like the 1707 Act of Union of the English and Scottish parliaments (thereby GB), the 1800 Act of Union of the GB and Irish parliaments created a political union of those countries with a unitary parliament, effectively under English dominant control. Nominally the union is subject to a symbolic monarchy which is actually subject to the unitary parliament. Hence the title ‘United Kingdom’.

The 1800 Act was superseded by the 1920 Government of Ireland Act which relaxed the political union and English dominance by devolving parliamentary powers and functions to regional parliaments in Dublin and Belfast. In effect, NI was, for the next half century, an autonomous region at arms-length from the UK of GB, a situation enjoyed to their advantage by NI unionists and tolerated by the Westminster government.

The 1920 Act was superseded by the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (GFA) and associated acts which, in 1999, devolved parliamentary powers and functions to regional parliaments in Edinburgh and Cardiff, and devolved responsibility for “the harmonious and mutually beneficial development of the totality of relationships among the peoples of these islands” from the Westminster and Dublin governments to a British-Irish Council (BIC) which, if fully implemented and functioning, would have provided a new kind of union or confederation for the consentient and harmonious governance of these islands, and to a British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIC).

Does the politically united ‘kingdom’ still exist other than in name?

European Union (EU) membership comes within the scope of “totality of relationships” and was a facilitating factor in the GFA. What role if any did the BIC and the BIIC play in the Brexit negotiations? The NI government was suspended for much of the time and may not have been represented at the BIC, if functioning.

If the GFA was superseded by Brexit there can be no legal or implicit obstacle to the siting of trade border posts on the Irish land border.

If Brexit was superseded by the NI Protocol, or if the protocol is an integral part of Brexit, the trade border must be sited notionally in the Irish Sea. Any perceived consequential diminution of NI’s constitutional status viz-a-viz the UK is minute by comparison with the diminution effected by the devolutions of 1920, 1998 and 1999. Do present day NI unionists really want to be fully re-integrated into a unitary parliamentary UK?

Did Brexit supersede the GFA?

Or, by ignoring the GFA and the BIC, and by breaking the actual or implied commitment by the Westminster government in the GFA to continuing partnership in the EU with the Republic, was Brexit illegitimate and therefore, arguably, reversible, if only for Scotland and NI whose majority populations had voted to remain in the EU?

That eventuality would necessitate trade borders on the island of GB and in the Irish Sea, which might affect the integrity of the UK but not necessarily the integrity of the BIC which was/is, if implemented, the most significant unifying institution in the GFA. Perhaps some high court judge would care, or dare, to give an opinion on the legitimacy or otherwise of the Brexit process, and on the present status of the GFA.

DENNIS GOLDEN


Strabane, Co Tyrone

Farm payment scandal

In my recent communication with the Minister of Agriculture, Edwin Poots, he disclosed to me that prior to the 2014 reforms led by Michelle O’Neill the top Single Farm Payment Unit value (this unit is paid per hectare) was €4,539 while the lowest valve unit was just €71.11. The CAP reforms set out a seven-year levelling process which were to make all unit values merge at €320, thus creating a level playing field for all farmers to compete equally.

Fast forward seven years, and the figures now for the highest unit value is €2,693.05 and the lowest unit value of €170.74. So, what happened to the levelling process that this inequality still exists? The DUP and their minister happened. The levelling process was stopped at the five-year point instead of the intended seven years which has resulted in a two-tier farming system where a number of elite farmers received up to 15 times more than the average farmer in the north.

This is a total scandal, and something needs to be done to rectify this shocking abuse of public money by the Department of Agriculture who seem determined to protect these top elite farmers at the expense of the ordinary hard-working family farmers across the north.

I have asked the agriculture minister under a Freedom of Information request to provide me with the names and locations of these ‘elite’ farmers.

As an elected representative from Fermanagh, it will be interesting to see the answer to my request.


I just cannot understand how this scandal has not gained more public attention through the farming unions and the national press.

CLLR SHEAMUS GREENE


Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and Omagh District Council

Protocol blame game

The blame game for the imposition of the NI Protocol is likely to be ramped up again with the announcement of the proposed changes over the coming days. The other main parties insist it is all the fault of the DUP for supporting Brexit. However, 44 per cent of the electorate in Northern Ireland supported leaving the European Union so I think it is a reasonable reflection of the voters’ views that one of the main parties campaigned to leave. The other accusation thrown at the unionist parties is that they failed to suggest a suitable alternative to the protocol. This a poor defence for the imposition of the protocol which has been disastrous and if allowed to remain will increase prices for everyone.

Although the DUP was representing the view of a very large section of the community in relation to the protocol, language such as “the DUP must not be allowed a veto” gives a flavour of the attitudes involved.    

It appears to me that a perfectly acceptable balance could have been agreed, with very light touch checks on cross-border trade remote from the frontier, combined with spot checks where necessary on the GB/NI interface. The nationalist parties, supported by the Alliance Party, saw an opportunity to sever Northern Ireland’s main trade route and reorientate the Northern Ireland economy – the cost to the citizens was secondary – and must shoulder at least some of the responsibility.

After all, every reasonable suggestion of compromise was dismissed as ridiculous.

This has led us to the truly awful situation we find ourselves in.

JAMES MARTIN


Dromore, Co Down

Appeal to Féile

My family and I look forward to Féile an Phobail every year, especially the outdoor events in the Falls Park. We missed them last year due to Covid regulations but at least we were able to listen in online to the talks, debates etc.

The recent increase in Covid cases has certainly given us all something to think about. The health professionals are warning of another lockdown in September if we continue to relax restrictions and allow huge crowds to gather at concerts and events.

Féile has just announced it will go ahead with open-air concerts and events. These could see thousands of young people and adults crammed together with little or no social distancing or face coverings. If this were to happen it would be a recipe for disaster and communities like west and north Belfast could witness a massive increase in Covid cases by the end of August.

As a Féile supporter I would encourage them to reconsider their outdoor events in the interests of our communities and our wonderful health workers. Postpone these events for one year only and it will be recognised by everyone as the right thing to do.

 S FOX


Glengormley, Co Antrim