YESTERDAY'S Queen's Speech setting out the legislative priorities of the British government has brought us little closer to divining its intentions on a range of key issues relating to Northern Ireland.
On the Northern Ireland Protocol, a subject which has dominated political debate on both sides of the Irish Sea for the last 18 months, there was precious little detail.
The government said the agreement – which has introduced checks on some goods moving from Britain to Northern Ireland – "needs to change" and it would "take all steps necessary" to protect the UK's internal market.
It was speaking in the context of continued talks with the EU – a far cry from suggestions that new legislation might unilaterally override parts of the protocol.
But at the same time as Prince Charles was delivering the speech marking the start of the parliamentary year, journalists were being briefed that Foreign Secretary and chief Brexit negotiator Liz Truss could move to scrap parts of the treaty from next week.
This much harder line is likely a negotiating ploy, or part of a power play within the Conservative Party, but is typical of the chaotic messaging that has surrounded the protocol debate and indeed the entire Brexit process.
Boris Johnson's predecessor Theresa May was right yesterday to warn against tearing up the agreement, given the signal it would send out internationally about the UK.
Megaphone diplomacy also brings us no closer to resolving outstanding issues that lie in the way of the vital task of forming a power-sharing government at Stormont.
The latest government statement on dealing with the legacy of the Troubles also succeeded in raising more questions than answers yesterday.
There was universal condemnation last year at proposals to offer an amnesty for historical offences as well as putting a stop to inquests, civil actions and other investigations.
The government yesterday amended those plans to make immunity dependent on co-operation with a new information retrieval body.
While further detail is awaited, this is unlikely to find much more favour with victims or political parties, whose agreed approach at Stormont House in 2014 was dumped to protect ex-soldiers from prosecution.
Meanwhile, scepticism is also understandably being expressed about planned legislation for the Irish language and Ulster Scots.
The protections have been long promised but never delivered and campaigners would certainly be forgiven for awaiting ink on statute books before popping champagne corks.
