Opinion

Brian Feeney: Stormont talks are a sideshow to Brexit

Brian Feeney

Brian Feeney

Historian and political commentator Brian Feeney has been a columnist with The Irish News for three decades. He is a former SDLP councillor in Belfast and co-author of the award-winning book Lost Lives

There is nothing worth hearing at the latest round of Stormont 'talks', says Brian Feeney. Picture by Mark Marlow
There is nothing worth hearing at the latest round of Stormont 'talks', says Brian Feeney. Picture by Mark Marlow There is nothing worth hearing at the latest round of Stormont 'talks', says Brian Feeney. Picture by Mark Marlow

YOU have probably forgotten, but there are 'talks' going on at Stormont. Well, not today since all the talks participants are out canvassing for tomorrow's EU elections.

It doesn't matter. There's no progress. Ever since the British and Irish governments, in a precipitate display of shameless opportunism, bounced the parties into talks at the beginning of the month they've been treading water.

Dublin and London felt compelled to do something after the wanton violence in Derry at Easter. That reflex was just like the old days; the politics of the last atrocity.

Everyone knew talks were a waste of time before the European elections. The governments have filled the time dragging delegations to meet the parties.

The most pointless was hand-wringing clergy whose doctrinal positions run counter to the demands for an equal society from all parties except the DUP.

What were they there for, other than to fill half a day? More to the point, why did the parties agree to meet them?

We're told the two governments are going to review progress at the end of the month; that won't take long.

We're led to believe serious talks will begin next week. It's the worst possible time.

Indeed, this whole charade at Stormont is being played out at the most extraordinary, inauspicious time in British politics.

Let's face it: British politics are in meltdown. You can't have serious talks - why never 'negotiations'? - when the British prime minster is going to fire the starting gun for a race to succeed her; when Cabinet ministers fly kites about the most populist proposals they can think of to attract the electorate, Conservative members.

Sinn Féin have to do better than they did in February 2018, but how can they?

No-one knows who the next British prime minister will be, or when he (and it will be 'he') will be chosen by the gerontocracy that constitutes Conservative membership.

What we do know is that the next prime minister will be a hard-line Brexiteer because hard-line Brexiteers are the only candidates standing. The competition is who can promise the hardest Brexit.

Suppose, for the sake of argument, Sinn Féin agree to a deal in June, which they won't, the next prime minster is quite likely to refuse to operate it.

Certainly the British government is not going to honour the Stormont House agreement on legacy.

Penny Mordaunt is already defying Theresa May on that matter, but May is too weak to enforce her will about anything. Cabinet ministers are openly disregarding May's views since she's a bye-ball.

More important by far - yes, the Stormont talks are a sideshow - is the final outcome of Brexit and its constitutional consequences for here.

May is going down to defeat the week after next. As one MP said, the odds on her "bold new offer" succeeding are longer than Elvis riding Shergar to victory in the Derby.

What could be bold and new that she didn't offer Labour in the last six weeks?

Her departure makes a hard Brexit certain, no deal more likely. Brexit is disastrous for the north; no deal is catastrophic.

A working executive at Stormont will be able to do absolutely nothing to mitigate its impact. The demand for a border poll to return to the EU will grow.

Besides, with the DUP enthusiastically rushing over the cliff with the Gadarene swine of the far right now in the ascendant in British politics, what would Sinn Féin be doing helping them administer the stupidities of a right wing post-Brexit British government?

How could Sinn Féin cooperate in such circumstances? How could they sign up to something before knowing the name of the next prime minister and whether that person would operate any deal, or just deal with the DUP?

How could they sign up to anything without knowing the outcome of the RHI inquiry? Will it be a whitewash or will it mean Arlene Foster is toast?

Finally, why does anyone think a working executive will solve all health and education problems here when there are hundreds of millions of pounds less to spend than in 2017?

There are bigger fish to fry before a deal than forming an executive.