Opinion

ANALYSIS: Tales of the dysfunctional DUP can only temper the appetite for Stormont's return

Andrew McCormick highlighted tension at the top of the DUP. Picture by Colm Lenaghan/Pacemaker
Andrew McCormick highlighted tension at the top of the DUP. Picture by Colm Lenaghan/Pacemaker Andrew McCormick highlighted tension at the top of the DUP. Picture by Colm Lenaghan/Pacemaker

DURING the decade of devolution ushered in by the St Andrews Agreement, critics of Stormont often highlighted its dysfunctional nature. The focus back then was on the fraught relationship between the DUP and Sinn Féin, with their daily battles.

But observers believed, perhaps naively, that once the two parties retreated to their respective wings at Parliament Buildings there was a unified spirit and that internal rivalries were cast aside.

The revelations in Andrew McCormick's written evidence to the RHI paint a decidedly different picture. They may even go some way to explaining the disconnect between the DUP leadership, some of who have no mandate, and its elected representatives that characterised the eleventh hour retreat from February's draft deal to restore the executive.

What emerges from the 1000-plus pages of evidence is a party much less sure-footed and undivided than it appeared on the surface.

Rewind to early 2016, in the immediate aftermath Arlene Foster's succession as leader, and the DUP, was a party brimming with self-confidence. Nationalism was languishing and the party had yet to back the Brexit campaign, the outcome of which would surprise everybody.

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But behind the scenes there was what Mr McCormick describes as "tension" at the top of the DUP, strains that were exacerbated as the role of key party figures in the botched RHI scheme emerged.

Jonathan Bell, a close ally of Peter Robinson, is cast as a tempestuous individual who has been accused of bullying and using physical violence. On other occasions the former Strangford MLA appears uninterested in his ministerial role. Arlene Foster, once lauded for her acumen, is facing a major challenge to rescue that reputation.

Wielding greater power meanwhile were a group of highly-paid special advisers, who sought to dictate policy while minimising their role in the worst episodes.

If Stormont is ever to return, the RHI inquiry revelations to date suggest its model of governance must be reformed and the role of the once all-powerful spads reined in. However, based on some recent evidence, we should perhaps be careful what we wish for.