The victims and survivors of the Troubles are often regarded as somehow discrete and separate from wider society, however, recent statistics suggest that more than a quarter of the north's population remain affected in some way by the conflict. These figures underline the need to urgently address the past and bring a form of closure to those whose needs have been overlooked, in some cases, for up to five decades.
There's a consensus that the current drift and uncertainty isn't working. Mechanisms to move the process forward formed part of 2014's Stormont House Agreement but for inexplicable reasons their implementation has stalled. The publication of the Northern Ireland Office's legacy paper and the launch of a four-month consultation certainly signal a move in the right direction but don't expect things to be plain sailing. It will be years rather than months before the institutions are operational.
Given that they were designed to meet a variety of needs, the mechanisms and institutions agreed in 2014 don't all have universal support. For instance, there are concerns about the British government's national security veto on the disclosure of what is deemed sensitive information, while some unionists have concerns about how the Historical Investigations Unit will operate. The absence of a statute of limitations giving an effective amnesty to British soldiers provides some assurance to nationalists, however, given the noises made by senior Tories and the DUP, it's an issue that is likely to crop up again.
If all goes according to plan, the legacy process will inevitably expose some uncomfortable truths for all sides, including governments, but in order for it be be fair it must be thorough and unbiased. Sadly, it's an unlikely scenario but what is required is broad political support for all the institutions and widespread desire to detoxify the process. While the past is often used for political purposes, the victims and survivors who seek to score political points from it form very small minority.
