Jim Gibney’s concluding words (March 28) “…It is time for the Planter and Gael to irrevocably turn the corner” are entirely correct. New Sinn Féin, for reasons known only to themselves alone, have totally embraced the false notion of there being two nations in Ireland which must be accommodated in a vague new ‘agreed Ireland’. Such flawed and divisive thinking is as much an anathema to the basic tenets of republicanism as the recently resurrected undemocratic notion of ‘chieftainhood’ is to the concept of citizenship.
The Irish Republic established in 1916 claimed “…the allegiance of every Irishman and Irishwoman”, not the allegiance of the English, French, Italians, Scotch, Welsh or any other nation on earth, simply the loyalty of the people who make up the Irish nation. It is predicated on “..cherishing all of the children of the nation equally”. Again no mention of plural citizenship from the inspired drafters of one of the foremost proclamations of freedom ever seen, simply the clearly understood singular concept of citizen of ‘..the nation’.
Directly adjacent to Jim Gibney’s column in On This Day ran the banner headline from a century ago ‘No Tricolours in Tyrone’ where the then Home Rulers proclaimed at a meeting in Coalisland that “..They would have no Tricolours in east Tyrone. They would keep the green flag unfurled.”
Only a few nights previous to Jim’s piece the recently crowned leader of those who are most inextricably linked to modern-day Home Rule in the six counties felt emboldened enough at Queen’s University to proclaim that the matter of the Tricolour as the national flag was “not off the table” in future discussions. Perhaps the prospective ‘Junior Blues’ still have possession of a quantity of such non-decommissioned ‘green flags’ to unfurl. Revisionism would of course be entirely complete were they to turn up at such hallowed places as Brigadier Seán Larkin’s final resting place.
Only a few short years after 1918, East Tyrone Volunteers mandated by GHQ Óglaigh na hÉireann, accompanied Seán’s remains from Drumboe, Co Donegal, where he was so callously murdered by the Blueshirts’ predecessors, to the Loup graveyard in south Derry. Fittingly, his coffin was draped in the flag of the nation he so nobly served, the flag of his country, the Tricolour.
In his memory, and the memory of all those who have fought and died for Irish freedom, it is time as Jim opines to turn away from the notion of the Planter and Gael. When the union ends, unionism ends and the curse of the plantation and partition also ends. Only then can the Irish Republic as one body of equal citizens and one sovereign being truly and finally “..take its place among the nations of the world.”
P NUGENT
Galbally, Co Tyrone
Delivering good government will benefit everyone one these islands
Recently Sinn Féin’s Northern Ireland leader, Michelle O’Neill, attended a so-called ‘United Ireland Conference’ in London. It’s not the first time that the party has staged this type of event elsewhere in the UK, sometimes even in the US, despite the fact that it’s the people of Northern Ireland it will have to persuade if it ever hopes to achieve its preferred constitutional outcome.
To add a further layer of irony Ms O’Neill talked about organising the event to “listen to unionism” and its views on “ending partition”. Does Sinn Fein really still not understand that ‘unionists’, and many others who are content with the current constitutional position, want Northern Ireland to remain a full, prosperous part of the UK, while also having great relationships with the rest of this island? How can we ever have a meaningful conversation, if it keeps wilfully misunderstanding this fact?
People on either side of the border voted in 1998 to resolve our differences by operating the political structures set out in the agreement. Doing this properly and respectfully, for the benefit of everyone here, is the way for Sinn Féin to pursue their constitutional objectives, rather than talking to themselves and their sympathisers from outside Northern Ireland.
If the party is not prepared to take responsibility and get on with governing through the assembly and the executive, demonstrating a willingness to make this place work, and pursuing its longer-term aspiration for a united Ireland through that constructive method, then we need to look at how those institutions operate. That review would be solely for the purpose of ensuring that the rest of us can get on with delivering good government for all of the people of Northern Ireland, which in turn will benefit everyone on this island and across these islands.
TREVOR RINGLAND
Holywood, Co Down
Russian issue not Ireland’s fight
I have every sympathy with the people of Salisbury who experienced nerve agent used on their streets. However, Leo Varadkar’s response by accepting UK intelligence and EU assessments was to expel a Russian diplomat and in doing so undermines the Republic’s neutrality. We really need to have questioned whether this is actually our fight and would the UK have given us the same consideration if the shoe was on the other foot. Past history would suggest not.
There has been other periods since the adoption of the Constitution of 1937 at which members of the Irish government have been seeking to undermine our neutrality. There are those strongly opposed to our neutrality policy. In fact it seems to be a habit of Fine Gael ministers in particular to use intemperate and strong language towards those who are upholding the national ideals and the constitution of the Republic.
The taoiseach went further in his defence of his actions, when he said that Ireland is a neutral country and will not join a military alliance, or Nato. Today Ireland is no longer a neutral country. You can’t ride two horses.
Are we ready for the next consequence urging the pursuit of a policy which is unconstitutional as our constitution stands. A sad day for Ireland.
JAMES G BARRY
Dublin 6W
Still waiting for Bill of Rights
There will be much reflection on the Good Friday Agreement in the weeks ahead. The tone will no doubt be sombre but it need not be despairing. The values and principles embedded in that agreement remain essential to putting power-sharing back together. One area continues to be neglected. The foundational values of the agreement included human rights and equality, with steps required and expected on these guarantees. 20 years on progress has stalled and in certain respects this society is travelling backwards – socio-economic inequality is only one example. This is not the place to rehearse the extensive list of absences and unimplemented commitments – they are well known. One that merits renewed attention, among many, is the Bill of Rights. The agreement held out the promise that peace might be secured through the proper protection of the human rights of all. As in other areas, the work has been done and there are proposals available from many sources (with reasonable disagreements of principle too). With the reality of the impact of Brexit for human rights and equality now plain to those who want to look, it is surely time to return to the Bill of Rights. As the drafters of the agreement knew well, a sustainable, fair and shared society can only emerge when human rights and equality are given their rightful place.
DR COLIN HARVEY
Queen’s University, Belfast
