Opinion

Alex Kane: Why is an Irish language act now eclipsing all other issues for Sinn Féin?

Alex Kane

Alex Kane

Alex Kane is an Irish News columnist and political commentator and a former director of communications for the Ulster Unionist Party.

Irish speakers gathered at Stormont calling for an Irish Language Act earlier this year. Picture by Mal McCann
Irish speakers gathered at Stormont calling for an Irish Language Act earlier this year. Picture by Mal McCann Irish speakers gathered at Stormont calling for an Irish Language Act earlier this year. Picture by Mal McCann

Writing on Eamonn Mallie’s website on Monday, Declan Kearney said: “So, let’s be clear: an Irish Language Act is about more than free standing language legislation, albeit an essential requirement. The implementation of an Act is central to parity of esteem, and proper, official acceptance of the Irish national identity in the North of Ireland. What has now been brought directly into focus is whether political unionism can accept, and co-exist in partnership, with the Irish cultural tradition, and Irish nationalist and republican identity.”

The truth, of course, is that Declan doesn’t actually want to co-exist with political unionism. In the same piece he says: “An Ireland of equals will only come about once partition has been ended and a national democracy is achieved. Sinn Féin being in government North and South is an intermediate objective to the success of that strategy. The northern political institutions are required to make positive change in the lives of citizens in the North.”

Let me break that down into what he really means: Sinn Féin doesn’t give a stuff about a stable Northern Ireland; Sinn Féin sees the assembly as a temporary means to its own ends; Sinn Féin, while it waits for what it thinks is inevitable unity, wants ‘positive change’ in the form of an Irish language act particularly.

It’s also worth noting that the DUP is not, as Sinn Féin continues to peddle to its core vote, reneging on a deal to introduce an Irish language act. The DUP and Sinn Féin did not agree to an act at St Andrews in 2005. An act is not contained in the Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Act 2006: all it does is say, ‘The Executive Committee shall adopt a strategy setting out how it proposes to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language.’

An act was not part of the deal between the DUP and Sinn Féin in May 2007 when they agreed to co-govern. An act was not agreed in the programme for government in 2007, 2011 and 2016.

In its 2016 assembly manifesto Sinn Féin didn’t go any further than the rather woolly intention to, ‘Support the introduction of Acht na Gaeilge and an Irish language strategy.’

There were no substantive details, costings or proposals, even though Carál Ní Chuilín had put out proposals for consultation in 2015, when she had been minister for culture, arts and leisure. Indeed it was only after a bit of pushing from me (in a twitter exchange), and the Nolan Show last week, that Sinn Féin confirmed those 2015 proposals as the basis for an Irish language act.

No mention, either, of an act in a joint article from Arlene Foster and Martin McGuinness last November, when they boomed about how well they were working together in the executive. And no specific mention of an act in McGuinness’s resignation letter in January 2017, which led to the collapse of the executive/assembly and the continuing impasse.

Odd, then, that an Irish language act has suddenly become the red line issue for Sinn Féin: so important to them, in fact, that in the absence of a stand alone act they seem prepared to endure direct rule and what would probably be a long period of suspension—possibly even the permanent collapse of the institutions. And all because they allowed themselves to be hoodwinked by Tony Blair, whose government failed to incorporate his promise, in October 2005 (The Government will introduce an Irish Language Act reflecting on the experience of Wales and Ireland and work with an incoming Executive to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language), into the subsequent legislation. I don’t remember Sinn Féin mentioning this at the time and nor do I remember the Irish government raising the matter.

In the Stormont House Agreement in December 2014 there was, yet again, no agreement between the DUP and Sinn Féin on an Irish language act - just this paragraph: ‘The UK Government and the Irish Government, recalling commitments from previous Agreements, and recognising the importance of understanding, tolerance and respect in relation to linguistic diversity, endorse the need for respect for and recognition of the Irish language in Northern Ireland, consistent with the Council of Europe Charter on Regional or Minority Languages.’

In the Fresh Start Agreement a year later, no progress had been made; yet Sinn Féin didn’t deem this important enough to prevent them signing off on the agreement and boasting of a ‘new relationship’ with the DUP. That charter is worth reading because, more so than Ní Chuilín’s proposals, it sets out the responsibilities of all of the main parties in relation to the promotion and protection of a ‘minority’ language.

There are many, many pledges, promises and agreements from a series of DUP/Sinn Féin agreements in the past few years which have not been followed through; quite a few of which strike me as far more important at the moment than an Irish language act. But given the fact that Sinn Féin didn’t seem unduly concerned about lack of progress on the issue between 2005 and 2016, I’d be genuinely interested to know why an Irish language act now predominates and eclipses every other issue.