I’m writing in response to Grainne Teggart (February 27) who in writing about abortion states “people from all political backgrounds want to see reform of our laws and agree with Amnesty that abortion should be decriminalised for all women”.
Northern Ireland is in crisis. This is not just the political crisis which threatens the devolved institutions but a moral crisis which threatens to result in legalised killing of innocent unborn children.
Instead of blaming unionist misrule as the source of sectarian division here in the six counties the blame is very subtly aimed at the existence of our Catholic schools and no other denominational schools.
Reading Robert Sullivan’s recent letter, ‘United Ireland is never going to happen’ (January 23), I was reminded of words written by the late, great Irish News television critic Sean Breslin. Referring to a prominent unionist politician he wryly commented: “His use of the English language is refreshingly unorthodox.”
Too often unionist leaders have tried to tell my community that unionists can go it alone, that our role is to vote for them so that they are the biggest party and can dominate the nationalists, and look where it has got us – incompetent and wasteful government, almost literally burning money under RHI while our schools and hospitals are starved of cash.
It is there now for all of us to see. That political unionism in the form of the DUP and, I suggest, the UUP as well, have no desire to enter into genuine partnership with those of us who come from the nationalist tradition in the north.
The attacks on Trump by the British establishment and others shows complete ignorance of US law. The McCarran-Walter Act of 1952 (established under President Truman), the Immigration and Nationality Act has been used well before President Trump ever used it.
The problem with a snap election, such as the one fast approaching on March 2, with little notice and especially one at this time of year during poor weather and shorter days, is that it is likely to result in low turnout.
During the Cold War Kremlin-watching was a favoured past-time and each May Day parade would be minutely analysed to see who was standing closest to the Soviet leader, who was missing from the frame and what the body language revealed about their relationship with each other.