The six-county centenary on May 3 next year will be followed by the 40th anniversary of Bobby Sands’ death on May 5. There is a direct connection between the centenary some will celebrate and next year’s Hunger Strike commemorations. You cannot understand the hunger strikers without understanding the British state in which they lived.
Before surrendering her post as Victims Commissioner, Judith Thompson cautioned the British government: “Don’t take a Westminster view of something that is so important for Northern Ireland.” Her words apply as strongly to the centenary, or Brexit as to legacy justice.
There is no mystery how centenary celebrations following the ‘Westminster view’ would go. Just analyse how successive British secretaries regard the north, with ideas customarily adopted by unionist supporters.
Westminster and their adherents will hail their ‘wee country’, founded upon democracy, which survived Irish opposition and periodic rebellion. Any sectarian flaws can be blamed on local attitudes, provoked by disloyal opponents and rebels.
Whenever Westminster sent troops to preserve British hegemony, their killings were not crimes, but within the rule of Westminster made laws. British troopers were “acting under orders and instruction and fulfilling their duty in a dignified and appropriate way”, said Karen Bradley. Regard other views as a “pernicious counter narrative” per Theresa Villiers.
Bobby Sands MP, indeed each of the hunger strikers lived a different reality. The six counties were no ‘wee country’ but two-thirds of Ulster, which Britain gerrymandered out despite a democratic vote in the Westminster run 1918 general election and Declaration of Independence. For 50 years, Britain’s Orange State used systematic sectarian discrimination denying jobs, houses and votes to keep Croppy numbers down.
Peaceful civil rights marchers threatened this sectarian system. They were beaten off the streets, eventually shot down on Bloody Sunday. British troopers backed British hegemony with internment and the Ballymurphy Massacre.
The hunger strikers felt a deep moral duty, despite risking imprisonment or death, to fight to end British rule because they believed it was the only means to end British injustice.
They suffered torture and death rather than be masqueraded in a criminal costume and used so that ‘Britain might brand Ireland’s fight 800 years of crime’.
You cannot understand the hunger strikers without understanding the British state in which they lived. You cannot understand the truth about celebrating a centenary of partition without understanding the hunger strikers.
MARTIN GALVIN
New York City
Would unity referendum serve any purpose?
Sinn Féin and others attach a lot of importance to having a referendum. Would it serve any useful purpose?
Sinn Féin thinking seems to be based on the assumption that the colonists subscribe to the idea of democracy. The record of history would suggest that they do not.
Democracy is supposed to be a matter of majority rule; minorities are not entitled to a veto, but the colonial minority have acquired such a veto with English support.
If, in the event of a referendum, a significant majority voted for unity would the colonists accept that, or would they reach for their guns as they did in the past? I can’t recall hearing any unionist leader say he would accept an unfavourable result.
At best, a majority vote for unity might result in repartition, a little orange kingdom consisting of Antrim, north Armagh and north Down and possibly including northern parts of Co Derry and that part of Derry city east of the river. Loyal people would feel safe and secure in such a state.
It would be a Protestant state for a Protestant people. There is a need for that.
There are no circumstances in which the loyal people will agree to be part of a Catholic state. If by some miracle such an obscene construct as a 32-county socialist republic came into being many loyal people would depart – there would be an increase in demand for apartments in Finchley.
Unity by consent, or agreement is not ever going to happen. That was foreseen by Conor Cruise O’Brien in an article he wrote back about 1982. The article was headed ‘Obituary for the benign scenario’.
There was no referendum when the English decided to partition Ireland and it can be argued that Ireland’s right to unity is beyond question or dispute. A referendum would be inappropriate and futile, as well as divisive. We should instead concentrate on papering over the cracks.
SHAEMUS HARAN
Adare Village, Co Limerick
End Derry’s famine of properly paid jobs
Covid-19 reinforces why Derry’s political power – our MP Colum Eastwood and our four MLAs – must blister their hands on the oars to persuade Invest NI to anchor the next overseas health products manufacturer coming to Northern Ireland in Derry. And that includes getting Invest NI to showcase Derry as a location to manufacture the new Covid-19 vaccines now being developed.
The pandemic has already resulted in the health products manufacturing sector dramatically expanding – pandemic testing kits, hand sanitiser, solution and dramatically increased Dettol sales are examples.
And when a Covid-19 vaccine is found there’ll be thousands of new health products manufacturing jobs generated.
So Derry’s political power must be levered to get the city its share.
We are talking here about ending the Derry famine of properly paid jobs.
But even without the pandemic health products manufacturing is a massive job generator – every product in Boots from cough mixture to eye drops equals a manufacturing facility making that product.
Indeed Derry will be the ideal city to make the new Covid-19 vaccine when tested and government approved but any other sector generating properly paid jobs will do.
TOM BRADLEY
Derry City
Concerns about Biden/Harris administration
As a unionist who has never voted Ulster Unionist I share the concerns of Lord Kilclooney about the possible Biden/Harris administration. Why?
Biden is pro-EU and we are about to leave the EU. Biden’s former boss meddled in the EU poll threatening us with back of the queue spot in trade negotiations if we dared to vote leave.
As a unionist I also fear that Biden, as an Irish-American who appears to dislike anything British, won’t favour my position.
Trump spoke well of Britain and the royal family and advised us to leave the EU.
Trump had promised us preferential treatment on trade. The Obama /Biden administration when visiting Europe tended to treat Britain as a ‘fly over’ state, instead go straight to Germany. So I get Lord Kilclooney’s drift.
BRIAN GIBSON
Comber, Co Down
