Opinion

What was the struggle all about?

First Minister Peter Robinson and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness unveil the latest agreement at Stormont
First Minister Peter Robinson and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness unveil the latest agreement at Stormont First Minister Peter Robinson and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness unveil the latest agreement at Stormont

My family and I have always voted Sinn Féin but after the betrayal of the working and under classes in the ‘Fresh Start’ Agreement, we will not be voting them again.

Under this deal Sinn Féin have agreed to transfer the powers to the Tories to implement savage welfare cuts to the most vulnerable families and individuals in the most disadvantaged communities in Belfast, Newry, Derry and other parts of the north. 

Those who will be most affected by these cuts, facilitated by Sinn Féin/DUP will be children in low income and unemployed families.

It was bad enough that Sinn Féin previously conceded on Irish unity by going into Stormont but the war cry was that they were doing all in their power to “protect the most vulnerable”. 

This ‘Fresh Start’ will condemn the most vulnerable to lives of poverty. Meanwhile the salaries, expenses and pensions of our MLAs  continue to rise.

S FOX


Glengormley, Co Antrim

Introducing O’Neill reforms would have led to a less turbulent life

How prophetic Brian Feeney’s words (August 26) proved to be, when he stated that some unionists don’t want the IRA to go away. Within a few days unionists were walking out of Stormont because of the murder of two republicans from the Short Strand. 

In the mid 1960s we had, perhaps for the only time in our history, a chance to secure a stable, balanced future for Northern Ireland. There was a moderating unionist prime minister in Stormont and nationalists embarked on peaceful protest to gain equality. Of course this was all too much for someone, who began an ‘O’Neill must go’ campaign and brought the masses out onto the streets to oppose Civil Rights, labelling the movement as a front for the IRA.  

Someone also persuaded Gusty Spence to commit murder, because of a perceived threat from the IRA in 1966 and masterminded the first explosion of the Troubles, at the Silent Valley Reservoir, to blame the same non-existent IRA. Someone organised the ‘ambush’ at Burntollet in January 1969, which according to Professor Paul Bew, was ‘The spark that lit the prairie fire’.

Fierce rioting followed in August 1969 and the Scarman Tribunal concluded that, of the premises damaged in Belfast, 83 per cent were occupied by Catholics and 1,500 Catholic families were forced from their homes.

Not only did unionists need the IRA but they also sought to implicate the wider Catholic community with every deed of the IRA. Ian Paisley said the

IRA was the armed wing of the Church of Rome; Catholics were accused of being the eyes and ears of the IRA and providing local knowledge for IRA attacks. Meanwhile, Catholics with absolutely no paramilitary links, such as pensioners in Moy, school boys in Armagh, punters in a bookmaker’s shop and patrons of public bars from Loughinisland to Greysteel were being murdered with impunity. 

I cannot recall a single instance when any unionist called for a security clampdown after such loyalist atrocities, and the fact that rogue members of the security forces were often involved was of little interest to them. The unionist position was very simple, loyalist violence was purely reactionary and there would be no loyalist violence without the IRA. Historical facts may challenge this perception. 

Someone certainly needed the IRA back in the 1960s. James Molyneaux’s response to the 1994 IRA ceasefire was “don’t panic” and even now, 21 years on, the main unionist parties need the IRA to exemplify their own hard-line credentials. I believe the last 50 years would have been much less turbulent if Terence O’Neill had been allowed to introduce his reforms and someone had not ‘lit the prairie fire’ back in 1969. 

P McKENNA


Newry, Co Down

Mater’s status as acute hospital under threat

The closing down of the A&E services in the Mater Hospitalwas yet another step in the Health Department’s plan to drastically cut services in the hospital.

In 2002 an acute McAuley hospital  was constructed on the Mater Hospital site newly built at a cost of £17m provided by the YP Trust which had built up capital to finance the running of the Mater before it joined the Health Service. The department made no financial contribution. It was seen as an outstanding addition to the service of patients especially in north Belfast and, importantly a source of worthwhile employment in one of the most deprived areas of the city.

After construction and before its official opening by Senator George Mitchell in July 2002 the department published a plan recommending that the hospital be downgraded to a community led unit.

Since then the department has relentlessly pursued an agenda of removing services from the Mater which inevitably will have very serious consequences for the Mater’s status as an acute hospital.

The constant stealthy removal of services is extremely demoralising for the dedicated doctors, nurses, catering and ancillary staff who provide excellent service to the public.

Why did the department allow and encourage the provision of the McAuley Building when it clearly had a prior plan to downgrade the hospital?

Did it have some other plan undisclosed to the Mater management team?

Whatever the plan, its implementation was halted by the collapse of the executive, the imposition of direct rule and the public outcry. Sadly with the restoration of the Stormont executive the steady removal of services recommenced.

This is particularly ironic since the Mater, under management by its trust, was and still is a model of efficiency and good practice, winning awards, including four Charter Marks and most importantly operating within its budget.

To date 11 specialities have been transferred from the Mater without consultation or adequate explanation, while the department extraordinarily continues to assert that it still considers the Mater to maintain its status as an acute hospital. 

It will be too late for protest when its doors are finally closed by the department’s hidden agenda.

ANNE McCOLLUM


Holywood, Co Down

True depiction of Orange march

I fully agree with the sentiments expressed by Rev Brian Kennaway (November 13) relating to the now famous Joe McWilliam’s painting ‘Christian Flautists’.  The painting certainly captures the ethos and tension of what took place on July 12 2012 at St Patrick’s.

Who can forget the spectacle of the Young Conway Volunteers flute band going round in circles playing the sectarian Famine Song. The depiction of men wearing KU Kluxx Klan-style hats and masks in the painting was a master stroke by McWilliams.  

It’s a pity he did not portray the faces of Nigel Dodds and Nelson McCausland in the painting too – those two high-profile DUP stalwarts were there that fateful day.  They were that close to the offending band, they could have reached out and touched them.


Why did they not intervene to stop what was going on?

They aren’t exactly renowned for having any fellow Christian feeling for Catholics. Being true to their code they probably don’t regard Catholics as being Christians in the first place.

SEAN MASKEY


Belfast BT15

Dark side of religion

I think terms like ‘religious extremist’ or ‘fundamentalist’ are bandied about much too easily. In his book In the Name of God  Michael Jordan writes: “These two great religious canons, the Bible and Koran, that still influence much of the modern world are bespattered with gore”. The vast majority of believers tend to gloss over the more unsavoury aspects of their respective faiths. The extremists, so-called, are an uncomfortable reminder that religions aren’t always about love or being good to one another. They may put more emphasis on or find inspiration in the negative parts of the Holy texts but it is facile to say they’re misguided.

S MILLER


Larne, Co Antrim