THERE was surprise in some political circles in July when Labour leader Keir Starmer - during a visit to Northern Ireland - indicated he would not be neutral in the event of a border poll.
Speaking to the BBC NI’s political editor, Enda McClafferty, he said: “I respect the principle that the decision, in the end, is for the people of the island of Ireland. I personally, as leader of the Labour Party, believe in the United Kingdom strongly, and would want to make the case for a United Kingdom strongly and will be doing that.”
When pushed by McClafferty that, in the event he was Prime Minister at the time a border poll was called, would he be ‘very much on the side of unionists, arguing for Northern Ireland to remain in the UK,’ he replied: “I believe in the United Kingdom and I will make the case for a United Kingdom.”
Sinn Féin’s John Finucane accused Starmer of arguing a unionist position, of shifting Labour from a supposed policy of being ‘a neutral broker on the north’, and told him not to act as a barrier to ‘national self-determination in Ireland'.
Yet four months later Starmer has now changed his mind and agreed with shadow secretary of state Louise Haigh that his party would be neutral during a border poll.
But why should Labour, or any other party, be neutral? There is no requirement in the Good Friday/Belfast agreement for it to be neutral: "…it is for the people of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, and without external impediment, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, north and south, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish, accepting that this right must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland".
The key words there are "without external impediment", meaning that neither the UK nor Irish governments (or anyone else for that matter) should seek to prevent a border poll or refuse to implement the result.
There is no specific restriction, though, on UK national parties like the Conservatives, Labour or SDP supporting the pro-union case in such a poll. There is no restriction, either, on the Scottish or Welsh nationalist parties campaigning for Irish unity. There is no restriction on campaigning groups in Great Britain or the Republic of Ireland being formed and taking a side.
The Irish government’s position would certainly not be neutral. It would have to agree to the legislation to facilitate its own border poll on unity (since consent is required on both sides of the existing border) and, I presume, also make the official case for unity to its own electorate.
It would also have to set out positions to both nationalists and unionists in Northern Ireland on a whole range of societal/political/constitutional/economic changes which would flow from unity: as well as making a specific pitch to unionists on how their interests would be protected if the poll resulted in the ending of the link with the UK.
In other words, an Irish government (which might well include or be led by Sinn Féin at the time) would pursue a pro-unity position in a border poll.
Sinn Féin (even if it were in an Irish government) would seek to influence voters in the Republic and in Northern Ireland. It would seek to win support from nationalists and a section of unionism in Northern Ireland. It would seek to win support from the SNP and Plaid Cmyru.
It would, almost certainly, set up pro-unity support groups across England, hoping they would put pressure on Labour and the SDP in particular. And it would probably receive huge funding from its ‘friends in America’ network.
Given all of that, why wouldn’t a UK Prime Minister make a pitch for the union? Labour and the Conservatives have members in Northern Ireland. Alliance has a ‘relationship’ with the SDP. The pro-union lobby (which would be much broader than party-political unionism, of course) would want to build a pan-UK coalition to back Northern Ireland’s continuing membership of the United Kingdom.
Senior members of the government at the time, along with senior members of the official opposition in Westminster, would be invited to Northern Ireland. The national UK media would take editorial decisions, many of which would be pro-union. Senior members of Irish parties, including the government, would come to Northern Ireland during a border poll campaign.
The notion that a border poll campaign on the future of Northern Ireland, and the creation of a possible united Ireland, could be conducted without certain groups and parties and governments having an input is just absurd: especially given the potential result.
