Opinion

Tom Kelly: Important the public have ownership of any process that sets up a new Assembly

Tom Kelly

Tom Kelly

Tom Kelly is an Irish News columnist with a background in politics and public relations. He is also a former member of the Policing Board.

Tom Kelly
Tom Kelly Tom Kelly

At the time of writing the talks are at an impasse. The blame is being laid fairly and squarely at the door of the DUP.

They have no hiding place left and both the British and Irish governments appear to have run out of patience.

After a succession of DUP-leaning secretaries of state, the current incumbent Julian Smith seems to have reverted to the more neutral role expected of the post-holder under the Good Friday Agreement.

The leadership of the DUP over reached and squandered their influence with the Tory Party. Now Barnsley is of more importance to Boris than Belfast.

Some DUP elected representatives are telling anyone willing to listen that Arlene Foster is toast.

The recent Westminster elections sent shockwaves through the DUP.

Unionist voters (including those from the DUP) in their droves opted for Alliance. The inability of the DUP to actually champion UK rights for all UK citizens in Northern Ireland meant that unionist voters, who were more inclined to a pluralist, tolerant and open society felt there was no threat to the Union by voting Alliance. They certainly didn’t believe the ludicrous claims that Stephen Farry was in cahoots with Sinn Féin.

Despite the bravado of wanting to appear to be the last to agree any negotiations, the DUP are as naked as Lady Godiva. Their arrogance has been laid bare. And despite having played totally tribal politics in the recent election - they still haemorrhaged tens of thousands of votes. The beat of the Lambeg seems not to have the reach it once had.

If the DUP fail to reach agreement with the other parties by January 2020 - it’s back to the polls. And that’s the last place any sitting DUP MLA wants to be. By all reasonable expectations, based on both the local government and Westminster polls, the DUP stand to lose anything between five and eight Assembly seats.

That would create their nightmare scenario of a Sinn Féin first minister. Rather sensibly Sinn Féin has offered to make the two equal posts actually equal in name. The DUP should have done that when they actually held the upper hand.

But generosity isn’t in the nature of the DUP.

They are as uncomfortable with Sinn Féin in government as they were in 1998. They must have neck strain from looking back at the likes of Jim Allister and Jamie Bryson. These individuals are more noise than nuisance and the DUP top brass should have realised that by now. (Bryson is actually more novelty value than noise).

The blockage over an Irish Language Act is solvable. It probably means having to endure a ‘Gist of Wurds’ from Ulster Scots and accepting tuppeny ha’penny flute bands as culture.

The impasse over the petition of concern is more difficult. The DUP (and to a lesser extent Sinn Féin) misused the petition of concern. And they would so again if they got the chance. Sinn Féin’s position has somewhat changed. Contrary to the public perception Stormont didn’t collapse over the RHI debacle but because Sinn Féin were continually having their eyes wiped by the DUP’s misuse of the petition of concern and DUP ministers doing solo runs in the Executive.

Sinn Féin know that entering a new Executive without safeguards will do further damage to their vote and their reputation. They are also cautious about entering a fresh Executive without the cover of the SDLP. Sinn Féin share the DUP's reticence for fresh elections.

Whether there are elections or not it is time that the two governments published their proposals which have been agreed by the other four parties.

It is important that the public have ownership of any process which sets up a new Assembly. This is not solely about politicians. They have already proven their failure.

It is now about whether a weary public want to buy more of the same or something new.