Opinion

William Scholes: This is a dead, deceased and ex-parliament, bereft of life

William Scholes

William Scholes

William has worked at The Irish News since 2002. His areas of interest include religion and motoring.

Attorney general Geoffrey Cox mounted a robust attack on the opposition as he answered questions in the House of Commons about the unlawful proroguing of parliament. Picture by: UK Parliament/Jessica Taylor/PA Wire
Attorney general Geoffrey Cox mounted a robust attack on the opposition as he answered questions in the House of Commons about the unlawful proroguing of parliament. Picture by: UK Parliament/Jessica Taylor/PA Wire Attorney general Geoffrey Cox mounted a robust attack on the opposition as he answered questions in the House of Commons about the unlawful proroguing of parliament. Picture by: UK Parliament/Jessica Taylor/PA Wire

THIS latest act of the Brexit tragicomedy, which opened in July with the improbable figure of Boris Johnson becoming prime minister, feels increasingly like it is building up to a dramatic all-guns-blazing denouement.

At this stage, the only question seems to be how bloody and conclusive it will be - are we talking Quentin Tarantino's Reservoir Dogs, Sergio Leone's The Good, The Bad and The Ugly or Disney's Frozen?

The Supreme Court's cool demolition of the government's outrageous yeah-right-it's-nothing-to-do-with-Brexit decision to prorogue Parliament was the scene-setter for this week's drama.

Enter, stage right, Geoffrey Cox; the mellifluous attorney general could never be accused of arriving in the House of Commons from the left.

Cox's legal advice, essentially a fig leave to provide Johnson, Jacob Rees-Mogg and the rest of the charlatans with some semblance of cover to justify the suspension of Parliament, had been torn to shreds by the justices.

A lesser mortal would have been chastened by such a calamity. Apologetic, even.

But not Cox, who has emerged as the Cicero of this Commons.

Sent out to open the batting for the government when parliament resumed on Wednesday, he delivered a masterclass in goading his opponents and repelling their opprobrium.

It was a mesmerising performance. At times the attorney general's booming baritone went full Brian Blessed bellow as he denounced the forces railed against the Johnson government's project.

"This parliament is a dead parliament. It should no longer sit. It has no moral right to sit on these green benches," he thundered, as the House of Commons exploded like Mount Tambora.

But he was just getting warmed up. Parliament, he went on, was "a disgrace" and "too cowardly" to hold a no confidence vote in the government.

"This parliament should have the courage to face the electorate. But it won't because so many of them are about preventing us leaving the European Union.

"But the time is coming when even these turkeys won't be able to prevent Christmas."

This is exactly how Johnson's Conservatives will frame the inevitable general election - a battle between the Tories, who want to enact the referendum result and get the UK out of the EU, and a remain establishment of parliament and the judiciary intent on frustrating the democratic will of the people.

That Jeremy Corbyn, possessor of the most ominous beardline since yon quare wee beardie Nelson McCausland bestrode the political landscape, still can't explain where he stands on Brexit is bewildering

It's a broad brush, us-against-them, strategy in which only the tone deaf won't be able to hear the heavy echoes of Donald Trump.

Indeed, being pictured with President Trump this week will have done Johnson no harm at all with the leave and let's-get-it-over-with voters that the prime minister and his key advisor Dominic Cummings are courting.

Johnson and Cummings have been pursuing a policy of chaos, a sort of political blitzkrieg where they do the unexpected to create disorganisation among the enemy.

At the moment, Johnson can portray himself as a prisoner of parliament. Conventional wisdom says that it's a disaster for a prime minister to lose a single vote, let alone a series, but each defeat at the hand of 'remainer MPs' reinforces the Johnson-Cummings narrative of parliament v the people.

It's a high stakes gamble, but they believe it will eventually lead to a workable parliamentary majority - with no more licking up to the DUP - and a mandate to reshape government and society.

The DUP has clearly been wrong-footed by the chaos strategy, though the Liberal Democrats have coalesced around a strong 'remain and revoke' position.

The SNP know what they want to achieve; Johnson's Tories and the Brexit party also have a clear general election message.

But the Labour party doesn't. That Jeremy Corbyn, possessor of the most ominous beardline since yon quare wee beardie Nelson McCausland bestrode the political landscape, still can't explain where he stands on Brexit is bewildering.

But order can emerge from chaos; 'special status' for Northern Ireland could yet be secured when the curtain falls on this Brexit farce.