Opinion

Tom Kelly: Proroguing parliament has united Boris Johnson's enemies

Tom Kelly

Tom Kelly

Tom Kelly is an Irish News columnist with a background in politics and public relations. He is also a former member of the Policing Board.

The possibility of parliament thwarting Johnson's Brexit, even with an united opposition, is quite slim
The possibility of parliament thwarting Johnson's Brexit, even with an united opposition, is quite slim The possibility of parliament thwarting Johnson's Brexit, even with an united opposition, is quite slim

AT last that great charlatan of British politics, Alexander Boris de Pfeffel Johnson, Prime Minister of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Minister for the Union has banked his first major achievement. By proroguing parliament for longer than normal and against convention, he has united his enemies. This is no mean achievement.

Over the past three years Corbyn, Cable (now Swinson), Sturgeon and a handful of recalcitrant high brow Tories have been faffing about aimlessly, incapable of agreeing on a single line of resistance against a no deal Brexit - other than saying they don't want a no deal Brexit.

Cooperation between these parties and individuals has been fraught. At times they act like a pit full of rattlesnakes - more dangerous to each other than their enemies.

Much of the blame for this lies at the door of parliament's most latent convert to a no deal scenario - Jeremy Corbyn.

The Labour Party position post the referendum on the EU has been wholly incoherent, inconsistent and indifferent towards the aspirations of the vast majority of its young membership. Corbyn is a great ditherer.

British politics has never been more ill served by the quality of its opposition. That said, Johnson and Corbyn offer very distinct visions for the future of Britain. One is fuelled by corporate greed and the other by an utopian dream.

The possibility of parliament thwarting Johnson's Brexit, even with an united opposition, is quite slim. The PM could lose a vote of confidence which in normal circumstances would trigger an immediate general election.

There is nothing normal about the Johnson regime.

The prime minister and his Machiavellian henchman, Dominic Cummings are prepared to break with convention. They will play fast and loose with the UK's unwritten constitution. The speaker of the House of Commons is probably the only man who can stand in their way. But even he may not be enough.

Johnson has one eye on Farage and his Brexit party. That the prime minister is in thrall to a group of xenophobic, geriatric, self absorbed, flag-waving eccentrics says it all about Britain.

The Brexit party is largely a Tory concern, yet if they contest elections they will reduce the chances of the Tories forming a new government. At best they are spoilers. Johnson knows that. His gamble is that by playing tough on EU, he will keep Farage at bay until it's too late to fight a fully fledged election.

Proof that politicians say one thing and do another is the pubic record which shows that at least six of the Johnson cabinet are fundamentally against the proroguing of parliament. Don't expect any resignations as the mediaeval fealty oath which ministers swore to Johnson means they are more stitched up than the smoked kipper he waved during his campaign.

Johnson still maintains he wants a deal - if only the dreaded backstop could be dropped. This a perplexing position. A win for him is defined by the removal of this safeguard which may never be needed.

Clearly the DUP have convinced him that such a concession from the EU would make him look like Wellington at Waterloo and they would get to publicly slap down the Irish government in a verbal re-run of the Battle of the Boyne.

As usual the DUP mistake tactics for strategy. But 2019 isn't 1690, 1913, 1974 or 1985. The reality is, with or without the backstop, the entirety of the deal will still be the withdrawal agreement.

Of course, there is well established stable of `West Brit' commentators who regularly line up to cheer lead for the DUP against the Irish government - conveniently ignoring that the DUP position north and south is a minority one.

Johnson does need the smokescreen of a win either in terms of concession or at the polls. At the moment both are beyond his reach. A bespoke backstop for Northern Ireland could yet be the saviour of his premiership.