WITH just over five weeks to go until the end of the Brexit transition period, inexcusably and irresponsibly far too many issues remain unaddressed.
The UK government has wasted too much time in denial of their choices around Brexit, sought to undermine the Protocol, failed to provide information quickly enough to stakeholders, and enabled certain local ministers to drag their feet on their own responsibilities to prepare.
We may see over the next few days whether agreement can be found on even a basic UK-EU future relationship. Answers are also well overdue on the connected but discrete issues under the Joint Committee.
Detail on managing goods at risk entering Northern Ireland from Britain is a major outstanding question, along with details of the border operating model. There are major questions on the nature and level of food checks. We have seen some welcome progress on a derogation of the flow of medicines, but issues around VAT on used cars and wider labelling requirements remain unanswered.
While Northern Ireland goods can freely circulate inside the EU single market, there is major question around how local components in EU supply chains interface with EU free trade agreements.
The immediate focus must be on finding pragmatic solutions to a range of problems. And getting ready, but at this stage, it is now too late for all the preparations to be made on time.
To avoid inevitable disruption from January, a six-month adjustment period has been mooted, and deserves urgent consideration.
Yet, we should not lose sight this looming chaos is the outworking of Brexit, and in particular the decision to leave the customs union and single market.
Like many others, Alliance doesn't want to see any new borders anywhere in these islands.
Northern Ireland can only work through sharing and interdependence, and with businesses relying on both north-south and east-west links for both supply chains and sales.
With even the utmost creativity, any circle can never be entirely squared. Some form of interface and friction with the single market and customs union was inevitable once the UK was determined to leave them.
The backstop was a much more effective and realistic means of trying to square that circle, while protecting the Good Friday Agreement and maintaining an open border on the island. However, the Protocol is a substantively different and much blunter mechanism, and it is associated with a much sharper divergence from the EU by the Johnson government compared to its predecessor.
For all the difficulties now being wrestled with down the Irish Sea, we must recognise these would be amplified if applied on land.
I am no fan or advocate for the Protocol. But it is now an integral part of the withdrawal agreement. Attempts to undermine it or evade it are counter-productive. Doing so would leave Northern Ireland and businesses in an uncertain legal position.
Instead, the only constructive and realistic way forward is to maximise flexibilities, derogations and mitigations inside that framework. However, that requires mutual trust and the UK government's antics around the Internal Market Bill threaten that, and it must be revised.
:: Stephen Farry is MP for north Down and Alliance Party Brexit spokesman
